Ismail Akaev è un giornalista e scrittore ceceno. I frequentatori di questo sito lo conoscono per il suo fondamentale contributo alla traduzione in lingua russa di “Libertà o Morte! Storia della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria”. Autore prolifico, la sua principale opera narrativa è il romanzo storico “Silver Coin”, che si presenta al suo pubblico con queste parole:
Questo non è un romanzo ordinario, ma piuttosto una storia giornalistica sull’amore, il dovere e l’onore. Se vuoi conoscere un’altra verità sulla guerra cecena e allo stesso tempo sentirne tutto il dolore, questo libro è per te. Una storia tragica e commovente su un insegnante di scuola… Su un padre e un figlio… “L’alba sanguina davanti ai nostri occhi. Il cielo bagna i cadaveri e la terra piange. Uccelli e animali: tutto brucia sotto il fuoco. Quanto fa male: un gemito mi taglia la schiena. Cosa dovrei fare? Non si può cambiare nulla …“
“Quella sera il villaggio di montagna di Borzoy accolse Said con ansia e tristezza. I militanti che si erano ritirati dalla città si trasferirono sulle montagne e quindi qui si svolgevano intense operazioni militari. In alcuni punti sui sentieri di montagna innevati le loro ombre, avvolte in cappotti mimetici bianchi, lampeggiavano.
C’era allarme e spavento in montagna, e non solo in montagna. Qualcosa di inimmaginabile stava accadendo in tutta la repubblica. Non era una guerra, le guerre non funzionano così . In guerra due paesi con la stessa forza militare si combattono, e conoscono bene le ragioni del conflitto. Quello che stava succedendo in Cecenia era la distruzione di massa di un piccolo popolo da parte di un’enorme potenza nucleare. E il mondo intero guardava con indifferenza, come se dovesse essere così… Dopo aver letto gli appunti trovati nel nascondiglio di suo padre, Said era sicuro che nulla avrebbe mai turbato il suo cuore. Gli sembrò che quella notte avesse pianto tutte le lacrime e anestetizzato il suo cuore e la sua anima, ma ciò che stava accadendo intorno a lui diceva contrario. Le “operazioni di pulizia”, L’omicidio , il furto, sono diventati un luogo comune per i ceceni . Si rallegravano del ritrovamento del cadavere come un tesoro e la morte era percepita come ricompensa, l’importante era non finire nel campo di filtraggio e non diventare cibo per i cani. I federali hanno imparato da soli che i ceceni apprezzano allo stesso modo sia i vivi che i morti e hanno trovato un modo per guadagnarci sopra. Con la scusa di controllare i passaporti, individuavano le famiglie benestanti che sarebbero state in grado di pagare i soldi per riavere i loro cari. Rapire qualcuno non era un problema per loro. Del resto Shamanov aveva detto: “Un buon ceceno è un ceceno morto”.
A Chechen woman showing the passports of her missing sons during a gathering of women searching for arrested and missing male relatives in central Grozny. Photo by Heidi Brander
Man mano si andò creando una mappa della morte: si annotava chi era sepolto dove per restituire il suo corpo ai parenti, in cambio di soldi. La vicina di Saipuddin, Zara, apparteneva ad una delle famiglie benestanti. Viveva con il suo unico figlio, Isa, nella vecchia casa paterna di suo marito, nel villaggio di Borzoy. Suo marito era stato ucciso durante la prima campagna militare, mentre lasciava la città assediata. Dopo la sua morte lei e Isa si trasferirono nel villaggio ancestrale di suo marito e si stabilirono qui. La vista della loro casa fu il motivo per cui Isa fu portato al campo di filtraggio. Zara non sapeva come fare. Parenti vicini e lontani, e perfino i compaesani accorsero in aiuto della vedova: tante persone si trovavano nella situazione di Zara, ma la sua tragedia sconvolse molti. Vagò per un anno, e per tutta la Cecenia, in cerca di suo figlio. I suoi occhi videro tanti cadaveri, spesso mutilati, col volto tumefatto. Zara continuò a cercare, sopportando l’odore nauseante dei cadaveri. Cercava il suo ragazzo, il suo unico legame al senso della vita, tra i vivi e tra i morti.
[…]
Insieme al cugino del marito Zara si diresse al luogo che le era stato indicato. Ad un certo punto incontrò i federali, i quali gli dissero che non era permesso procedere con la macchina oltre quel punto. Così lui rimase sulla strada e Zara, salita su un’auto militare, andò avanti insieme ai federali. Dopo aver viaggiato molto, Zara vide un’enorme buca. Le fu detto di scendere e identificare suo figlio, dopodiché i federali sarebbero scesi a prenderlo . Zara scese con cautela. I cadaveri erano sparpagliati alla rinfusa nella buca. Zara riconobbe immediatamente Isa. Lo riconobbe da una piccola voglia sulla fronte, e dal sorriso disegnato sulle sue labbra congelate. Il cadavere era fresco. A quanto sembrava, era stato tenuto nel campo per molto tempo ed è stato ucciso di recente. Stava per gridare ai federali di averlo trovato, quando vide il mignolo della mano del cadavere accanto a quello di Isa che stava tremando. A Zara sembrò che l’avessero cosparsa di acqua bollente.
“Sei vivo?” – sussurrò con labbra tremanti. Il palmo sporco del ragazzo che strinse era caldo. Zara si rese conto che era vivo. A quanto pare era svenuto dopo il pestaggio e i federali lo avevano gettato nella fossa insieme ai cadaveri. Zara non ebbe il tempo pensare. Tutto quello che aveva passato quest’anno per arrivare al cadavere del suo giovane figlio le scorreva davanti agli occhi. Probabilmente i Borzoy si stavano già radunando per un funerale e si stavano preparando a scavare una fossa accanto alla tomba del padre di Isa. Nei suoi occhi apparve l’immagine di suo marito: cosa avrebbe fatto lui? Non importa, si sarebbe comportata come una madre, questa era la decisione giusta. Zara si è resa conto che suo figlio non poteva tornare indietro. Da qualche parte, in Cecenia, la madre di colui sulla cui mano si era appena mosso il mignolo non dormiva la notte. Se Allah le aveva lasciato una tale scelta, lei avrebbe scelto come sceglierebbe il cuore di una madre.
“Dirò loro che sei mio figlio, ti sto tirando fuori come se fossi morto. Non fare un fiato”, sussurrò. Zara guardò indietro. Si chinò sul cadavere di suo figlio e fece scorrere delicatamente la mano sul suo viso giovane, che non aveva avuto il tempo di ricoprirsi di barba. “Che Allah ti benedica, mio caro ragazzo, perdonami, devo lasciarti qui per salvare un’altra vita”.
– “Sono pronta” Gridò Zara. Il soldato scese nella fossa.
– Quale?
– “Eccolo mio figlio”. Indicò Zara con mano tremante.
Caricando il ragazzo come un sacco in spalla, il soldato lasciò la fossa, seguito da Zara. Lo gettò a terra e un altro “Fed” colpì allo stomaco il “cadavere” con una pala. Zara urlò di orrore. Pensò il ragazzo si sarebbe contorto dal dolore.
– “Vai avanti da sola. Portalo sulla strada”, disse il “Fed”. Salirono in macchina, chiudendo le portiere dietro di loro, e infilarono la canna di una pistola fuori dal finestrino. Zara se lo mise sulla spalla e camminò così per un po’, poi le gambe cedettero, e Zara cadde a terra con lui. Decise di trascinarlo come un sacco.
– “Abbi pazienza figlio mio, ancora un po’ e raggiungeremo la macchina, va tutto bene… Ti porterò a Borzoy. Ti curerò… è così bello lì… L’aria fresca… Le montagne, il fiume. Tu sei forte e giovane e ti rimetterai presto in piedi. Assomigli persino a mio figlio. Andrà tutto bene, arriva la primavera… Tornerai da tua madre», borbottò Zara. In qualche modo raggiunse il ciglio della strada.
– Dov’è Isa?
– “Isa è rimasto lì”, rispose Zara con un sussurro, gli occhi sconvolti
– “Cosa significa, Zara di cosa stai parlando?” chiese l’uomo, sorpreso.
– “Isa è morto – sussurrò lei – ma lui è vivo, ed io ho preso il vivo” Poi cadde a terra, priva di sensi.
[…]
Lungo la strada, Zara tornò in sé e si sedette sul sedile posteriore. Tenne la mano del ragazzo nella sua mano. Arrivarono a Borzoy. Aperto il cancello vi trovarono parenti, anziani e il teologo locale. Akhmed non sapeva cosa dire ai parenti. Fermò la macchina e appoggiò stancamente la testa sul volante.
– “Racconterò tutto da sola”, disse lei.
Scese con sicurezza dall’auto e si avvicinò allo zio di suo marito, Abdulbek. “Vashi” gli disse “Sei il maggiore della nostra famiglia, ci consultiamo con te per tutto, quindi voglio solo dirti che… Non ho portato Isa. È rimasto lì tra i cadaveri. Quando sono sceso nella fossa, ho notato un ragazzo vivo tra i corpi, ho detto che era mio figlio e l’ho tirato fuori . Non so se ho fatto bene.”
Ci fu un ruggito di stupore tra la gente.
– “Hai fatto come avrebbe dovuto fare qualsiasi madre cecena, sono orgoglioso di te figlia. Invece della morte, la vita è venuta in questa casa. Quindi è il volere di Allah . Alhamdulillah , Gloria ad Allah.”
– “Dov’è?”
– “Dobbiamo aiutarlo”
– “Di chi è?”
Il ragazzo non era cosciente. Lo portarono in casa. Gli astanti lessero il Movlid ed eseguirono lo zikr in onore della memoria di Isa . E Zara iniziò a prendersi cura di colui a cui aveva salvato la vita.
A woman searches for the bodies of her missing family members in a mass grave. Photo by Heidi Brander
Said rimase scioccato da questa storia. Insieme a zio Saipula, aveva aiutato i vicini a prepararsi per il funerale: come tutti, anche lui si aspettava che Zara sarebbe arrivata presto e che avrebbero seppellito suo figlio. Lui avrebbe ricordato per sempre quel giorno, la triste immagine di Zara, avvolta in una sciarpa nera, che passava tra la folla delle persone per confessarsi.
Said si riscosse: ricordò la rivelazione di suo padre che aveva letto il giorno precedente. Quanto è grande il sacrificio del ceceno persone. Questa è l’intera risposta alla domanda sul perché per secoli, dopo tanti genocidi, questo popolo rinasce ancora, e ancora. Sentendosi colpevole per l’intera nazione, suo padre lascia il proprio figlio a una donna sconosciuta e poi, decenni dopo, una donna cecena abbandona il cadavere di suo figlio, porta fuori il figlio di qualcun altro, perché ogni vita cecena le è cara. L’ impresa compiuta di Zara sembrava ricordargli che il futuro appartiene al popolo ceceno, il cui amore per la vita e per la Patria è più forte di migliaia di morti. Così passavano i giorni sulle montagne cecene innevate dove, sostituendosi l’un l’altro come il giorno e la notte, la vita e la morte andavano mano nella mano.
President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky received the highest state awards from the government of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria in exile – the Order of Honor of the Nation (Qoman Sij) and the Order named after Dzhokhar Dudayev.
The head of the Ukrainian state was honored for outstanding services and selfless deeds for the sake of freedom and democracy throughout the world and for personal services to the Chechen people.
“His political steadfastness and loyalty to his native country managed to mobilize the Ukrainian people in the face of the imminent threat of Russia’s secular enemy and bloodthirsty monsters who seized power by terrorist methods,” says the decree signed by the head of the government of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria in exile, Akhmed Zakayev, on 27 November last year.
The awards were personally presented to the Head of State by the head of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine, Kyrylo Budanov.
The Order of Dzhokhar Dudayev is awarded to holders of the Order of Honor of the Nation. Chechen politicians Aslan Maskhadov and Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, as well as Lithuanian statesman Vytautas Landsbergis were awarded this order.
This interview, made in April 1995 and published by Kommersant on September 1, 1998, has an unusual story. The tape with the recording of the conversation disappeared under strange circumstances, leaving only its transcript. To remove doubts about the authenticity of the interview, Kommersant questioned the journalist who carried it out, the famous ITAR – TASS reporter Sherip Asuev.
Here is what Sharip Asuev recalls: “It was three years ago, in the spring. It was very difficult for me to get to Dudayev. His base was in the mountains, near Shatoi, in an old stable. I was accompanied by his associates, especially Daud Akhmadov. We talked almost until the morning … Then for two days I could not leave. Then they took me to another road. A few months later I was persuaded to give the cassette of the journalist of Komsomolskaya Pravda Alexander Yevtushenko, I agreed, because I knew it would never go through the TASS channels. All night I deciphered the tape. The next morning Sasha left. I return in the evening. Some people in camouflage took away his car, with all its contents… ”
Yevtushenko confirmed that he had received the tape, and that his car was confiscated, which was destroyed a few weeks later at a federal troop checkpoint, hit directly by a tank shell. “Even if the tape had still been in the car” he replied “there would have been nothing left of it after the bombing…”
Daud Akhmadov also confirmed Sherip’s version, declaring that he was present while Dudayev was giving the interview, and that he worked to get people to pass by a different road than the one by which he had come, because the first one in the meantime had been bombed .
Dudaev tiene una conferenza stampa dopo lo scoppio delle ostilità
Below is the translation of the interview:
Shatoi, April 1995
Dzhokhar, on the eve of the entry of Russian troops into Chechnya, did you personally feel this danger? Did you expect this development of events? After all, there was a giant tragedy of the people.
“This is a tragedy not only of the Chechen people. There has been a tragedy for Russia and the Russian people.”
I mean Grozny destroyed, the villages executed, thousands of widows and orphans. Did you foresee something like this happening?
“I’ve always said that Russia is dying and needs victims.”
Many today (April 1995.-Kommersant) say about you that you were specially trained and sent to destroy her people.
“It’s all bullshit. Bullshit, which I despise and do not perceive. I know exactly how these lies are formed. This is propaganda.”
They also talk about the fabulous money you get from selling oil, drugs…
“Bluff and talk. I don’t even want to comment.”
How do you see the future of Chechnya today?
“Well.”
What do you think will happen to Russia next?
If the Russians knew what fate they were preparing – not only for their descendants, but also for the current generation – they would probably have incurable diarrhea. Russia has two ways of developing. And both are stupid.
So?
What is the path to Russia? Take the dollar and make it your god. They are ready for it right now. What will come of it? This is self-destruction, a destructive path. You can go another way – I know which way Russia needs. But I will never tell. Let them fall and roll! One way is to accept Islam and follow the way of Islam. This is a more realistic way for them.
Daud Akhmadov parla ad una conferenza stampa.
And could not our people with you be victims of all these global processes?
“Today it is the victim of these problems.”
Victory or defeat, how will this war end?
“Questions about the start of the war and its completion are the Almighty’s business. So far, Russia itself is not prepared either for war or for its logical conclusion. But it’s not the war that worries me now, it will end anyway . And we will sign the peace. Not in Moscow – I will never go, and not in Chechnya – I have to let Russia save face. This (the signing of the peace. – Kommersant) will take place in the Caucasian land, in Dagestan. Do you want me to tell you where? In a train carriage…”
Dzhokhar, don’t you feel guilty that everything turned out like this in Chechnya?
“I don’t feel guilty.”
Couldn’t we have avoided this nightmare of war?
“We could not. If we tried to solve (the problem of relations with Russia. – Kommersant) by peaceful means, by politics, by loyalty, by humility – I can assure you that we would be destroyed to the root. And there would never again be a Chechen nation or its state. And I can responsibly say that already in 1991, the idea arose to populate the disputed territories on the Sino-Soviet border, under the branding that the Chechen mafia, rackets will not let you live. In 1991, how many Were there locomotives in Gudermes? With the excuse of maintenance? On which the factory grease had not yet been removed!? There were 56 locomotives! And how many wagons stood at the railway junctions around and on the territory of the republic? Cattle wagons. And without any movement for more than three months?! How many covered vehicles, under the guise of collection were in 11 districts, standing motionless, with people in green jackets?! Each car has an officer. And from how many units were additionally unloaded military equipment and the military contingent arrived on the territory of the republic to those who were already here?! And the Chechen nation would be destroyed. And the Emergency Committee was supposed to implement the idea of the genocide, another deportation of the Chechen people. And only an accident thwarted these plans.”
There is an idea that if Dudayev left now, saying: “If you want elections, hold them, if you want, join Russia”! Many more lives could be saved. Why do not you do that?
“I testify before Allah that such an act would bring great harm to the people. 300,000 men – aged between 17 and 50 – now have no shelter, no food, no work. They have nowhere to go – families are being destroyed, houses are being destroyed. These people have only one goal: revenge. As long as they trust me they obey me. If the landmark is broken, they will go out of control… Terrible! An internecine war will begin. In distant Russia, who should take revenge? Here we will seek blood revenge. They will again call for help from the Russians. And the latter, not understanding where theirs is, where they are strangers, will raze everything to the ground.”
Would you like to talk to Yeltsin now?
“I always have something to say to the leadership of Russia. I have always understood perfectly well, and I understand now, that such a huge Russia has its own interests, which are difficult to give up in an hour, in an instant. At first I suggested to take into account the interests of Russia: joint defense, joint armed forces. I even called him. I said more than once: recognize the path chosen by my people, and I will leave the political arena in 3 days.”
Dudaev vota alle elezioni popolari del 27 Ottobre 1991
Dzhokhar, how do you evaluate today’s events, as a result of which you came to power in the presidential elections on October 27, 1991?
“The Supreme is my witness that I did not want to present my candidacy for president. But then my supporters were indignant because, they said I was afraid.”
Who were these people who convened the first national congress of the Chechen people (November 23-25, 1990), at which an executive committee was created (September 6, 1991, the Executive Committee of the Chechen People’s Congress seized power in the republic – Kommersant)? What do you think now, did they really support the idea or did they use the name of the first Chechen general to achieve their goals?
“That’s all! When I saw to whom the Vainakh people’s congress entrusted its sovereignty and its future, I – I give you my word of honor – got goosebumps. Already at the very first meeting of the executive committee there, they – those who organized and held this congress – started a fight for money.Literally because of the money raised for the last congress.
I didn’t need places in this republic, in that environment, spoiled to the point of lawlessness. In general, I was not only afraid of this environment but, frankly, I despised it. This environment was so far from my intellect and level with all its luxury, bravado and behind-the-scenes games. This environment was wild and far away for me… I looked and shuddered in horror. Who was given the trust of the people! It became clear that it was a collapse. That things would turn out so differently from the direction people had imagined. That they would literally pervert this idea (of sovereignty-Kommersant), they would smear it, they would spit on it. And that the people would be reduced to nothing. This is what made me take on this heavy burden. But it’s one thing to pronounce high-sounding words from the stands, quite another when it is necessary to implement a decision.”
Dudaev in abiti civili durante il periodo prebellico
They say your inner circle was corrupt.
“Everyone was corrupt. In the old days, money was brought to the first people in the highest echelons of power in the republic, and there was a certain tax. It took some time to clear the upper echelon. A cabinet of ministers was replaced , the second cabinet, the third. And we passed the upper level, we succeeded. And those who planned it, they felt the sword of Damocles upon them, which would cut off their heads. But on the lower level, the corruption continued to exist with unbridled force.
If you started all over again, what would you change about your actions in the last few years (1991-1996 – Kommersant)?
“Even if I wanted to change something, they just wouldn’t let me. Of course, I wish I had done things very differently.”
Who didn’t allow it?
The context didn’t allow it, a society that wasn’t ripe for democracy and respect for rules and laws. Do you think I wouldn’t want to have talented, intelligent, intellectual, creative, dedicated people next to me?! But there were little bastards around who had only one interest: unbridled profit. The environment turned out to be like this due to the circumstances, there was no other.”
L’assonanza è soltanto fonetica, ma il significato storico è impressionante, se si considera che la Bamut del 1995, così come la Bakhmut del 2023, segnò l’arresto di una avanzata che sembrava inarrestabile, imbarazzò l’esercito russo di fronte al mondo e ispirò tutta la nazione (cecena allora, ucraina oggi) a resistere all’invasione. Quello che segue è un estratto dal secondo volume di “Libertà o Morte! Storia della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria”.
Bamut
Mentre il Gruppo di Combattimento Sever prendeva Argun, Gudermes e Shali e respingeva i dudaeviti verso il ridotto montano, ad Ovest ilGruppo di Combattimento Jug avanzava verso gli obiettivi designati. Di fronte aveva i reparti ceceni organizzati nel Fronte di Bamut, un’unità composita ma combattiva al comando di Ruslan Khaikhoroev. Il reparto era inizialmente composto da circa 200 volontari, ma per la fine di marzo, con l’arrivo del Reggimento Galachozh al comando di Khizir Khachukayev, si era già ingrossato giungendo a toccare i quattrocento miliziani. Alla metà di marzo 1995 ancora nessuno degli obiettivi prefissati per il Gruppo Jug era stato raggiunto, malgrado l’artiglieria avesse martellato quasi tutte le cittadine al fronte. La posizione cecena era favorevole, ancorché defilata rispetto alla linea principale delle operazioni. Il villaggio di Bamut, infatti, giaceva all’imbocco di una stretta gola, sovrastata ad est e ad ovest da ripide alture boscose. Ad occidente le posizioni cecene confinavano con l’Inguscezia, paese relativamente “amico”, dove gli indipendentisti potevano trovare supporto materiale ed umano. A poca distanza dal villaggio poi, su un’altura denominata “444.4” e chiamata dagli abitanti locali “Monte Calvo”, si trovava una base missilistica sovietica, in grado di resistere efficacemente sia ai bombardamenti di artiglieria che a quelli dell’aeronautica. I ceceni l’avevano occupata, trincerandola ulteriormente. In quest’area erano affluiti tutti gli equipaggiamenti pesanti a disposizione del Fronte Occidentale, oltre ad un discreto arsenale di mine antiuomo ed anticarro che Kachukhaev aveva fatto sistemare all’imbocco dell’unica strada carrabile verso la base, proveniente da Assinovskaya e diretta a Bamut. Il
18 Aprile i russi tentarono di prendere il villaggio. Una brigata si affacciò sull’abitato all’alba, ma finì ben presto sotto il tiro delle armi pesanti cecene. Nel tentativo di manovrare, i russi finirono dapprima in un campo minato, poi tra le strade del villaggio, anch’esse minate con ordigni antiuomo. Numerosi veicoli blindati ed alcuni carri da battaglia rimasero distrutti. Una volta impantanata tra le rovine, la brigata si trovò sotto il tiro dei cecchini, che falcidiarono la fanteria. Al termine dell’azione, conclusasi con il ritiro dei federali, si contarono decine tra morti e feriti. Un tentativo di alleggerimento della pressione, operato da un distaccamento delle forze speciali, finì in un fiasco, con la morte di 10 “Spetnatz” ed il ferimento di altri 17. L’esercito federale dovette così organizzare un metodico assedio delle posizioni cecene, impiegando il grosso delle forze a disposizione.
La mappa mostra l’offensiva russa in Cecenia tra il Marzo ed il Giugno 1995. A sinistra si può notare la fortezza di Bamut, che resisté alle offensive russe e rimase sotto assedio per più di un anno, fino al 24 Maggio 1996
Dopo aver schierato le truppe in assetto di battaglia, il 24 marzo Babichev riuscì a penetrare ad Achkhoy – Martan, occupandola per breve tempo prima che un contrattacco ceceno costringesse i russi a ripiegare. Il 7 aprile l’intero fronte occidentale venne investito da una violenta offensiva. Quel giorno vennero attaccate contemporaneamente Samashki, Davydenko, Achkhoy Martan, Novy Sharoy e Bamut. L’offensiva produsse la conquista di Samashki, Davydenko e Novy Sharoy, le roccaforti più esterne, al costo di centinaia tra morti e feriti. Scontri particolarmente violenti si registrarono nei dintorni di Samashki, dove i reparti di Mosca vennero investiti da una violenta controffensiva cecena e lasciarono sul campo una settantina di uomini. Nonostante la fiera resistenza dei militanti la preponderanza di uomini e mezzi a vantaggio dei russi era tale che la difesa della posizione non avrebbe mai potuto produrre una controffensiva. Kachukhaev si organizzò quindi per una resistenza ad oltranza, richiamando tutti i combattenti che non avevano fatto in tempo a raggiungere il ridotto montano, o che operavano ancora in pianura. La maggior parte delle unità che giunse a portare soccorso erano milizie volontarie non inquadrate, mal coordinate tra loro, molte delle quali tentarono di raggiungere gli assediati attraverso la strada di collegamento tra Starye Achkhoy e Achkhoy – Martan, finendo intercettate dalle avanguardie russe. Altri gruppi, provenienti dal villaggio inguscio di Arshty, furono intercettati dall’aeronautica federale e dispersi. I rinforzi che riuscirono a raggiungere Bamut furono quelli che, faticosamente, si fecero largo tra le montagne passando da Sud, raggiungendo il fiume Martanka dietro Bamut e risalendolo fino alle posizioni dei difensori.
I ritardi nel concentramento dei reparti fecero sì che le unità che effettivamente raggiunsero Bamut fossero in numero grandemente inferiore alle aspettative, nonché esauste per la lunga marcia a piedi. Molti miliziani ebbero appena un paio di giorni per recuperare le forze in attesa del grande scontro. Man mano che i reparti raggiungevano la base, Kachukhaev schierava le unità lungo il perimetro difensivo sulla base della loro grandezza e della supposta capacità operativa. In tutto furono schierate sulla linea del fronte dalle 100 alle 300 unità, cui si aggiunsero nei giorni successivi alcune decine di volontari provenienti dall’Inguscezia, inquadrati nel cosiddetto Battaglione Inguscio. La linea difensiva correva lungo i resti del centro abitato, addossata agli edifici e organizzata in un mosaico di piccole trincee a zig zag, in ordine a contrastare le unità russe avanzanti senza offrire bersagli estesi all’artiglieria. Dietro la prima linea di trincee ne era stata scavata una seconda, così che le unità combattenti potessero agilmente cambiare posizione ed alleggerire la pressione, per poi rioccupare le posizioni avanzate alla fine dei bombardamenti d’artiglieria. Le vie d’accesso erano bloccate dai detriti delle abitazioni distrutte, ed il materiale di risulta era stato impiegato per costruire piccoli guadi attraverso i quali le unità combattenti avrebbero potuto attraversare agevolmente il Martanka, per sottarsi a combattimenti troppo pesanti o per effettuare manovre di aggiramento sulle colonne corazzate federali.
Soldati russi avanzano verso le posizioni cecene
Le truppe russe si posizionarono a circa un chilometro e mezzo da quelle cecene, a una distanza sufficiente da evitare di essere bersagliate dagli RPG, ed iniziarono a bombardare la linea di difesa di Bamut. La linea russa correva ora lungo l’argine settentrionale di un canale che, da ovest, disegnava un semicerchio a nord di Bamut per gettarsi nel fiume, che correva sul fianco orientale del villaggio. Da lì l’artiglieria iniziò a martellare la prima linea cecena. I difensori si ritirarono, lasciando ai russi soltanto una serie di trincee vuote da bombardare, ed al termine del martellamento tornarono ad occupare le posizioni avanzate. I federali, convinti di aver piegato la resistenza cecena, iniziarono a muovere in avanti: una colonna si diresse verso il villaggio attraverso la strada principale, la quale corre parallela al Martanka. Questa azione avrebbe dovuto attirare il grosso dei nemici, mentre una seconda colonna avanzava da Nordovest, varcando il canale e dirigendo direttamente verso il centro del villaggio. I ceceni tuttavia avevano fiutato la trappola, e pur mantenendo una fiera difesa della via principale lungo il Martanka, non sguarnirono le posizioni Nordoccidentali. Conscio della natura del suo piccolo esercito, costituito più come un arcipelago di piccole unità autonome che come una forza unitaria, Kachukhaev lasciò ai comandanti locali l’onere di organizzare autonomamente la loro strategia, mantenendo come unico imperativo quello di non spostarsi dal proprio settore senza autorizzazione. Questo fece sì che i russi non riuscissero a capire quante e quali unità avessero davanti, e non avessero un’idea chiara di quale fosse il fronte della battaglia. Decine di piccoli scontri locali si accesero lungo tutta la linea di difesa, incendiando l’intero settore per tutto il primo giorno di battaglia. Le unità indipendentiste, dotate di grande mobilità, colpivano con gli RPG i veicoli blindati, li assaltavano e cambiavano immediatamente posizione, impedendo ai russi di tracciarle e di annichilirle con l’artiglieria. In questo modo i reparti che difendevano il fianco sinistro dello schieramento ceceno furono in grado di accerchiare i russi avanzanti, provocando loro gravi perdite e costringendo la colonna federale prima ad arrestarsi, poi a fare marcia indietro.
Combattenti ceceni del Battaglione Galanchozh a difesa di Bamut
Anche il fronte orientale riuscì a fermare l’attacco russo. Allorchè la pressione dei federali si fece troppo forte, Kachukhaev ordinò alle prime linee di minare le trincee e di ritirarsi sulla seconda linea. Non appena le truppe russe ebbero preso il controllo, Kachukhaev ordinò che fossero fatte brillare, uccidendo coloro che le occupavano. Persa la maggior parte delle unità di fanteria, i corazzati russi non avrebbero potuto avanzare da soli, o sarebbero finiti sotto una pioggia di RPG. Così gli attaccanti decisero di ritirarsi, vanificando i progressi ottenuti a caro prezzo in quella prima giornata di battaglia. L’artiglieria federale ora conosceva le coordinate della seconda linea difensiva cecena, ed iniziò a bombardarla, ma ancora una volta senza successo: i reparti ceceni, infatti, utilizzarono i guadi approntati nei giorni precedenti per disperdersi tra le colline intorno a Bamut, per poi tornare ad occupare le loro posizioni una volta che il bombardamento fu terminato. Quando i russi tornarono all’attacco, il giorno successivo, si trovarono davanti un dispositivo difensivo di tutto rispetto, e nel giro di una mezz’ora il comando russo ordinò di interrompere nuovamente le operazioni. La notte successiva un reparto esplorativo fu inviato ad individuare le posizioni cecene per un attacco d’artiglieria notturno. L’operazione fu un disastro: il reparto esplorante fu intercettato e finì sotto una pioggia di proiettili. 10 degli 11 componenti la squadra furono uccisi, e l’unico sopravvissuto fu fatto prigioniero. Interrogato sulla consistenza delle forze federali di fronte a loro egli riferì che gli attaccanti disponevano ancora di troppe unità perché Kachukhaev potesse capitalizzare il successo con un contrattacco, così il comandante ceceno decise di mantenere un atteggiamento difensivo, preferendo impegnare gli uomini nella ricostruzione delle trincee e nell’approntamento di nuovi sbarramenti.
Г.Алла Федоровна Дудаева — вдова первого президента Чеченской Республики Ичкерия. Спутница жизни Дудаева, жила с ним до его убийства, которое произошло 21 апреля 1996 года российской армией. Несмотря на русское происхождение, Алла Дудаева связала свою личную судьбу с делом независимости Чечни, продолжая после смерти мужа выступать за свободную Чечню. Среди ее качеств, безусловно, выделяется ее страсть к рисованию. По этой причине, в дополнение к ее словам, мы собрали и опубликовали с ее разрешения ее живописные работы. Далее следует двойная история в словах и образах: история жены, матери, художницы, политической активистки, женщины, связанной с Чечней любовью и судьбой.
Золотая Ичкерия. 1989
Смерть Джохара Дудаева лишила чеченцев не только человеческого, но и политического ориентира. С Вашей точки зрения это может быть даже более верно: изменила ли потеря человека, столь важного для вас как спутницы жизни, как матери его детей, и в то же время как сторонника свободной Чечни, Вашу экзистенциальную точку зрения? вид?
Весь чеченский народ плакал, когда узнал о смерти Джохара, как и весь мусульманский мир. Но не только мусульмане : весь мир оценил жизнь и деятельность Джохара и сопротивление чеченского народа российской агрессии и назвал его именем десятки улиц, площадей и городов в разных странах. Джохар показал, как «брать города» и за 3 дня (7,8,9 марта) столица Ичкерии была взята чеченцами. Российские воинские части и базы были окружены, но чеченцы их не уничтожали, чтобы самолеты не могли бомбить нападавших и мирное население города. Этот гениальный план придумал Джохар, и на вопрос журналистов, он ответил: «Мы показали всему миру, как брать города!» Точно также оккупанты были окружены через три месяца после гибели Джохара, 6 августа 1996 года. И называлось «Умереть, обняв врага». Это произошло только благодаря беспримерному мужеству чеченского народа. Впервые в мире маленький чеченский народ победил огромную Российскую империю зла и насилия, которой десятилетиями боялся весь мир!
И люди называли это чудом! Эта победа дала надежду всем оккупированным народам на их будущее освобождение и вдохнула новые силы в тех, кто покорился и сдался! Нация непобедима, когда она борется на своей земле за свою свободу, если у нее есть такой вождь! Когда президент и народ едины, они непобедимы!
Преодоление. Джохар Дудаев.1989 год
Изменила ли его смерть что-нибудь в вас в отношении заботы о своей семье и в отношении идеи независимой Чечни?
После смерти Джохара во мне ничего не изменилось ни по отношению к нашей семье, ни по отношению к идее независимости Ичкерии. Но мое личное ощущение изменилось, я не представляла себя без Джохара, меня как будто неожиданно ударили в грудь. Ночью нас тайком отвезли в один из домов храброго и мудрого человека Даяна, я просидела у тела Джохара три дня. Даян попросил меня не говорить, что Джохар погиб, когда меня приглашали в их дом поесть. Он просил меня сказать, что со мной есть раненый, но это не Джохар. «Моя жена Лейла, — сказал он, — не сможет этого вынести. У нее слабое сердце. Не надо плакать, начнется общий плач, шум и в деревне сразу все поймут. Мы должны это скрыть. После его слов я поняла, что есть люди, которые любят Джохара не меньше меня, но они слабее здоровьем. И я научилась не плакать, даже когда мое сердце разрывалось от боли. Поэтому, когда нужно было объявить о смерти Джохара 24 апреля перед журналистами всего мира, я сдержала слезы и не плакала, думая о сотнях больных старушках, таких как Лейла. Что с ними будет, когда они услышат эту печальную новость… А, насчет наших врагов, я не хотела, чтобы они радовались смерти Джохара… Вот почему я оставила сомнения врагам Джохара, чтобы боялись, что он может вернуться.
В ту ночь – 24 апреля, когда мы хоронили президента, я была свидетелем таких чудес: – когда Джохара подняли и понесли на кладбище, что мне казалось, появились новые силы. В три часа ночи, когда прибыли на кладбище, было еще темно и страшно. Стояла стена тумана. Пока копали могилу, я сидела рядом с телом Джохара за оградой. А когда за ним пришли и понесли в середину кладбища, вдруг туман рассеялся, показались розово-золотые лучи раннего солнца, под которыми засияло все вокруг. А, в голубом небе над его могилой закружили стаи птиц, и они так пели, словно прилетели его приветствовать или провожать! Казалось, что его встречал сам Всевышний! Я поняла, что Джохара в могиле не будет, его душу сразу заберут в рай!
Когда чеченский народ 6 августа собрал все свои силы и сумел разгромить огромную Российскую империю, многие поверили, что Джохар жив и обязательно вернется. Но наши враги утверждали, что Джохар, символ независимости, сбежал, оставив свой народ. А потом мне пришлось опровергать эти грязные слухи, и мы сняли документальный фильм на месте его гибели. В нем я подробно описала, где он был, когда это произошло и с какой стороны одна за другой полетели две ракеты. Вместе с ним погибли военный прокурор Магомед Жаниев, и наш бывший представитель в Москве – Хамад Курбанов. Их тут же увезли родственники и похоронили на следующий день. Но, многие чеченцы мне не поверили и пришлось написать книгу «Миллион первый», которая стала документальным фильмом о рождении, детстве, жизни и смерти Джохара Дудаева. Впервые книга была опубликована в Баку в 2002 году. Затем в шести других странах на разных языках. Кстати, сразу после выхода книги в Чечне было смонтировано видео, кто-то говорил моим голосом на фоне моей фотографии. «Я извиняюсь перед чеченским народом, что выхожу замуж. Я долго искала и наконец нашла похожего на Джохара, только усы другие». Это было сделано намеренно, чтобы моей книге не поверили, а некоторые подумали, что я снова выхожу замуж за Джохара, который на самом деле был якобы ранен, тайно вывезен из Чечни, а затем вылечен. Только спустя много лет чеченский народ окончательно убедился в этом и перестал ждать Джохара. Но, в сердцах народа Джохар жив и будет жить!
Бессмертный город Грозный. 1995 год.
После освобождения Грозного в августе Чечня оказалась свободной, но в постоянной опасности. С апреля 1996 года по февраль 1997 года наследство Джохара перешло к Зелимхану Яндарбиеву. Он был старым другом Вашего мужа. Что Вы о нем помните? Что он за человек?
Зелимхан Яндарбиев был поэтом и лидером Вайнахской демократической партии, одним из первопроходцев чеченской независимости и свободы. Он посетил нас в Тарту, Эстония, и пригласил Джохара на первый Конгресс. На нем Джохар произнес такую блестящую речь, что был избран председателем Чеченского народного исполнительного комитета. Зелимхан всегда был рядом с Джохаром и во всем его поддерживал. Он отличался большим мужеством и верностью идее независимости, и поэтому Джохар после ряда неудачных покушений на его жизнь, поручил ему заменить его на посту президента ЧРИ в случае его смерти. О мужестве Зелимхана можно судить по известному видео, на котором он не уступает президенту Ельцину во время мирных переговоров в Кремле. И он настоял, чтобы тот перебрался на отведенное ему место, напротив Зелимхана Яндарбиева. Потому, что война 1994-1996 годов была с российским агрессором, который первым начал войну с независимой Ичкерией. Это не был «внутренний конфликт», о котором вещали российские СМИ. И речь шла не о «наведении конституционного порядка на территории Чеченской Республики Ичкерия», а о полномасштабной войне, в ходе которой столица была разрушена российскими бомбами, а вся чеченская земля была сожжена и заминирована! Зелимхан в 1997 году провел выборы нового президента ЧРИ, хотя мог бы и дальше занимать этот пост, но он хотел, чтобы чеченский народ сам выбрал себе президента. Хотя некоторые не понимали его. Но, он всегда был на стороне закона и демократии.
Потерянный мир. 1992 год.
После выборов 1997 года пост президента республики перешел к Аслану Масхадову. Каково было Ваше мнение о нем? И как изменилось это мнение за время Вашей политической деятельности до второго российского вторжения?
Аслану Масхадову досталась страна, разрушенная русско-чеченской войной, тысячи раненых, десятки тысяч людей без средств к существованию. Джохар Дудаев запретил брать выкуп за пленных русских призывников. Но, сразу после его смерти 21 апреля, уже в мае, олигарх Березовский выкупил из чеченского плена российскую журналистку Елену Масюк, за два миллиона долларов. Ее вернули в США, и друг Ельцина Билл Клинтон торжественно наградил ее массивной золотой цепью, повесив на грудь. Все это было показано по телевидению и положило начало торговле заложниками, проводимой ФСК. Они крали и вывозили заложников из семей богатых бизнесменов на границу ЧРИ и передавали их чеченцам, а затем делили выкуп через посредников, главным из которых был Березовский. Власти ничего не могли поделать с разгулом преступлений российских спецслужб. Они убили 8 человек из Международного Красного Креста, обвинив в этом чеченцев. И отрубили головы трем иностранцам, которые собирались обеспечить республику телефонной связью со всем миром. Чеченцев пытались представить всему миру преступниками и бандитами. В 1999 году по приказу Путина взорвали два дома в Москве и один в Волгодонске, обвинили в этом преступлении чеченцев и начали вторую русско-чеченскую войну. Судьба Аслана Масхадова сложилась трагично, но он с честью выполнил свой долг и погиб в результате длительной партизанской войны. Думаю, ему было проще жить в палатке и воевать в лесу вместе со своими верными товарищами, чем во время президентства. Аслану Масхадову не хватило практичной жесткости после легитимного избрания его в президенты, когда в республику начали затаскивать всякую антирелигиозную, антинародную, античеченскую, античеловечную нечисть… Пытаясь избежать национальный раскол, внутринациональную борьбу за национальные ценности, Масхадов получил то, что получил. Хотя народ просил его, очистить республику от всякой грязи, он не услышал глас народа. И в этом Москва выиграла – ее козни прошли успешно!
Аллаху Акбар! 1995 год
Основное обвинение, выдвинутое против Ичкерии в период с 1996 по 1999 год, заключается в том, что она стала исламским государством и отказалась от пути, начатого Конституцией 1992 года и который Джохар намеревался сохранить. Что Вы думаете об этой теме?
Ичкерия за эти годы не стала исламским государством, потому что был президент Аслан Масхадов и парламент. Но, министр иностранных дел, Мовлади Удугов, создал в городе Грозный, так называемый «ваххабитский» двухэтажный центр с охраной и за стеной. К нему приезжали выходцы из Саудовской Аравии, которые представлялись чеченскому народу самыми правильными мусульманами. Они останавливали машины на улицах и проверяли документы, чтобы узнать, путешествуют ли родственники или женщины с незнакомыми мужчинами. Чтобы потом наказывать их плетьми, как и за пьянство. Удугов пытался поставить своих эмиров в каждом селении для создания параллельных систем государственного управления. Сначала в г. Гудермесе, а затем в Урус-Мартане (Урус-Мартан районный город, не был разрушен бомбежками, потому что большинство его жители не принимали участия в сопротивлении российским войскам в первую русско-чеченскую войну). В нем тоже был организован, так называемый, «ваххабитский» центр и привезены хиджабы для женщин. Кроме того, появились небольшие брошюры с выдержками из Корана, изданные в Москве. И в Баку была школа-джамаат, куда принимали наших раненых, учили молиться по-другому, но на войну они не возвращались. Их субсидировала Москва. Но, повторюсь, с 1992 по 1999 год Ичкерия не стала исламским государством и сохранила свою конституцию. Гораздо позже, уже на этапе партизанской войны, в 2002 году, Аслан Масхадов выступил с заявлением, что изменил конституцию, введя исламскую, но только парламент имеет право принимать такие законодательные решения при наличии кворума о внесении изменений в Конституцию. И решается вопрос всенародно на референдуме.
Горец Амаци. 2002 год.
После смерти Масхадова преемником руководства независимой Ичкерии стал Абдул-Халим Садулаев. Он постановил:
«С началом чеченской войны продолжалась работа по составлению проекта Конституции в полном соответствии с нормами ислама, […] А теперь статья 1 Конституции ЧРИ составляет: «Чеченская Республика Ичкерия является суверенным и независимое исламское правовое государство, созданное в результате самоопределения чеченского народа. Источниками всех решений являются Коран и Сунна». Таким образом, мы подошли к логическому завершению правовых реформ, инициированных Джохаром Дудаевым». Считаете ли Вы эти аргументы правильными? Что Вы думаете о Садулаеве?
Действительно, преемником Аслана Масхадова стал Абдул-Халим Сайдулаев, назначенный Масхадовым на случай его смерти. Но, как и Аслан Масхадов, он был в партизанском отряде в лесу и не имел парламента для изменения конституции. Только парламент имеет возможность заниматься законотворческой деятельностью, и только народ имеет право решать такие важные вопросы, как изменение конституции в ходе референдума по этому вопросу. Президент имеет право только подписывать законы, принятые парламентом, или решения народа на референдуме.
Свободная Ичкерия. 2005 год.
Как вы думаете, сможет ли чеченская диаспора в Европе и на Западе в целом повлиять на правительства, чтобы они решительно вмешались в возрождение независимой Чечни? Какие действия, по вашему мнению, должны предпринять его представители?
В настоящее время в Ичкерии находится 160 000 российских военнослужащих. Как только начнутся перемены в России, русские войска, оставшиеся в чужой стране, в окружении чужого народа, потихоньку уйдут сами собой. Так же, как сбегут Кадыров и его подельники, опасаясь мести народа. Наша деятельность, как и все прошедшие годы, проходила в информационной борьбе с теми, кто хочет воспользоваться захватом власти в республике для провозглашения шариата и себя во главе шариата без демократического выбора народа в соответствии с нашей конституцией. Мы – единственная легитимная власть, Президиум и его члены никогда не провозглашали себя незаконными «премьер-министрами» или председателями «кабинета министров». Мы были утверждены последним президентом на своих должностях и продолжили свою работу. И существуем для того, чтобы организовать демократические выборы новых лидеров, которые, несомненно, появятся среди чеченского народа в ходе всех этих событий. Мы должны обеспечить преемственность демократической власти народа. Только народ имеет право избирать президента и другие структуры. За последние годы выросло много образованных молодых чеченцев, которые учились в лучших университетах Европы. Наверняка самые активные из них найдутся и будут готовы на конкурсной основе возглавить не только республику, но и войти в кабинет министров.
Ветер перемен. Швеция. 2017 год.
Вас, русского происхождения, можно было бы представить, если позволите мне аналогию, деревом с русскими корнями и чеченскими ветвями. Как Вы переживаете отношения между этими двумя идентичностями, даже после всего, что произошло?
Мне очень жаль, что Кремль начал войну на уничтожение такого удивительного народа, как чеченцы. В первую русско-чеченскую войну по приглашению правительства Ичкерии 250 русских матерей приехали в Назрань за пленными сыновьями, разбросанными по республике восемнадцатилетними призывниками, находя их у чеченских командиров. Это вошло в мировую историю, впервые такой маленький народ пожалел пленных огромной армии завоевателей и вернул без всякого выкупа их матерям. Но, сейчас почти все, кто выступал против захватнических войн Российской империи, либо покинули Россию, либо были убиты. Русский народ изменился, его армия превратилась в армию мародеров и бандитов. А, российские генералы забирают даже преступников из тюрем и отправляют воевать в Украину. Да и сама Россия вызывает одинаковые чувства протеста у народов нашего мира. Поэтому все ждут, когда эта последняя империя зла и насилия рухнет, а ее колониальные народы освободятся и наконец станут хозяевами своей земли и судьбы. И я надеюсь, что с помощью западных стран это произойдет гораздо быстрее, чем это могло бы быть с чеченским народом, у которого не хватало оружия для самообороны, большая часть автоматов была в боях захвачена у русских оккупантов. Но, чеченский народ не сдавался и десятилетиями вел сопротивление. Тогда не было и миллиона чеченцев, а сейчас 46 миллионов украинцев, и весь мир помогает им оружием и осуждением агрессии России. Украина обязательно победит.
Во время войны в Чечне западные политики заявляли о невмешательстве во внутренние дела России. Джохар предупреждал, что может наступить время, когда сам Запад станет внутренним делом России. Этот момент настал, его слова сбылись, и они, наконец, проснулись! Сейчас Россия признана Западом террористическим государством, хотя я бы назвала ее террористическим государством в международном масштабе! Потому что помимо захватнических войн она уничтожает всех тех, кто ей противостоял по всему миру: Александра Литвиненко в Лондоне, Зелимхана Яндарбиева в Катаре, многочисленные убийства в Турции, Австрии, Германии, Франции… Российское правительство должно ответить за свои преступления так же, как это было с нацистами Германии во время Нюрнбергского процесса.
Я тебя никогда не забуду. 1989 год.
Как Вы жили, как мать и жена покойного первого президента, между первой и второй войнами? Я намеренно задаю этот вопрос в очень общем виде. Затем Вы можете говорить о любом аспекте или опыте, который наиболее важен для Вас.
Между войнами я жила, как и большинство чеченцев, верой в то, что войны больше не будет. Люди восстанавливали разрушенные дома, сажали деревья и сады. Жизнь продолжалась. Там были мои дети, и они тоже думали, что все плохое позади. После начала второй войны, когда чеченский народ незаслуженно обвинили во взрыве домов в Москве, все поняли, что эта война станет реваншистской. И это будет местью Москвы за победу чеченского народа в 1996 году. Пришлось покинуть Ичкерию и перебраться в Ингушетию, затем в Грузию, в Баку и, наконец, в Стамбул. Наша семья, как и многие другие чеченцы, была вынуждена покинуть страну. По всей Ичкерии, как грибы, множились русские фильтрационные лагеря, их стало более полусотни. Они были даже в Ставрополе, Минводах, Пятигорске. В них, десятки тысяч чеченцев были замучены и убиты. Некоторые из умирающих или трупы были проданы родственникам для захоронения. Это было ужасное время! За свое желание быть свободным чеченский народ заплатил своей кровью! Но, в душе своей, он всегда оставался непокоренным, ибо испокон веков приветствовал всех, кто входил в его дом, говоря: «будь свободен»! И по сей день это приветствие остается в силе. Я благодарна судьбе за предоставленную мне возможность познакомиться с этим гордым и гуманным народом, его обычаями и традициями. Народ, которым человечество восхищалось бы и брало в пример, если бы лучше знало его! И я благодарю Аллаха за то, что он дал мне возможность стать свидетелем стольких чудес, в которые я бы никогда не поверила, если бы не видела их сама. Чеченский народ сейчас в оккупации, но это временно, у него впереди светлое будущее, и непременно появятся новые имена и новые герои, о которых мы еще ничего не знаем. Ведь ни в одной стране мира нет столько пассионариев, раз как у чеченцев. Героев, готовых отдать жизнь за свободу народа!
Alla Fyodorovna Dudayeva is the widow of the first President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Dudaev’s life partner, she lived with him until his assassination, which occurred on April 21, 1996 by the Russian army. Despite being of Russian origin, Alla Dudaeva linked her personal destiny to the cause of Chechen independence, continuing after her husband’s death to plead the reasons for a free Chechnya. Among her qualities, her passion for drawing certainly stands out. For this reason, in addition to her words, we have collected and published, with her permission, her pictorial works. What follows, therefore, is a double story, in words and images: the story of a wife, a mother, an artist, a political activist, a woman united with Chechnya by love and destiny.
“Golden Ichkeria” – 1989
The death of Dzhokhar Dudayev has deprived the Chechens of both a human and a political point of reference. From your point of view, this may be even more true: has the loss of a person so important to you as a life partner, as a mother, and at the same time as a supporter of a free Chechnya, changed your existential point of view?
The entire Chechen people wept when they learned of Dzhokhar’s death, as well as the Muslim world. But not only Muslims: the whole world appreciated Dzhokhar’s life and work, the Chechen people’s resistance to Russian aggression, and dedicated dozens of streets, squares and cities in different countries to him. Dzhokhar showed how to “take cities” and in 3 days (March 7,8,9) the capital of Ichkeria was taken by Chechens. Russian military units and bases were surrounded, but the Chechens did not shoot at the Russians so that the planes could not bomb the attackers. This ingenious plan was conceived by Dzhokhar, and when journalists asked him “why did you leave Grozny?” He replied “We have shown the whole world how to take cities!” In exactly the same way, the invaders were surrounded three months after the death of Dzhokhar on August 6, 1996. It was called: “dying, embracing the enemy.” And it happened only thanks to the unparalleled courage and courage of the Chechen people. For the first time in the world, a small Chechen people defeated the huge Russian empire of evil and violence, which the whole world has been afraid of for decades!
And the people called it a miracle! This victory gave hope to all occupied peoples for their future liberation and breathed new strength into those who bowed and surrendered! A nation is invincible when it fights on its own land for its freedom, if it has such a leader! When the president and the people are one, they are invincible!
“Dzhokhar Dudaev” 1989
Has his death changed anything in you regarding the care of your family and regarding the idea of an independent Chechnya?
After the death of Dzhokhar, nothing has changed in me in relation to our family or in relation to the idea of the independence of Ichkeria. But my personal feeling changed, I could not imagine myself without Dzhokhar, it was as if I was unexpectedly hit in the chest. Then we were secretly taken to the second home of a brave and wise man, Dayan, and I sat by his body for three days. Dayan asked me not to mention that Dzhokhar was dead when I was at her house for dinner. He asked me to say that there was one wounded, but not that it was Dzhokhar. “My wife Leila” he said “She couldn’t bear it. He has a weak heart. No need to mourn it in front of them, there would be such a noise that everyone in the village would understand immediately. Instead we have to hide. After her words, I understood that there were still those who loved Dzhokhar, albeit weaker than me in health. And I learned to hide, even as my heart was torn apart by pain. Therefore, when it was necessary to declare Dzhokhar’s death on April 24 in front of journalists from all over the world, I learned to hide my tears and did not cry, I thought about hundreds of sick old women like Leila, what would happen to them when they heard the sad news. And about our enemies, how they would rejoice at Dzhokhar’s death … That’s why I decided to leave the doubt, to Dzhokhar’s enemies who feared him, that he might return.
That very night we snuck him out and buried him. And I witnessed such miracles, when Dzhokhar was raised and carried to the cemetery, that it seemed to me that I had new strength. We left at three in the morning. When we arrived at the cemetery it was still dark which was scary. There was a wall of fog. While the grave was being dug, I sat next to Dzhokhar’s body, behind the fence. And when they came for him and brought him, suddenly the fog cleared, pink-gold rays of the sun appeared, under which everything around shone. And in the blue sky above his grave, flocks of birds were circling, as if they had come to greet or meet him. And they sang!!! Most likely, the Almighty himself met him! I understood that Dzhokhar would not be in the grave, his soul was immediately taken to heaven!
When the Chechen people gathered all their strength and managed to defeat the huge Russian empire, many believed that Dzhokhar was alive and would certainly return. But our enemies have claimed that Dzhokhar, a symbol of independence, fled, leaving his people behind. And then I had to refute these dirty rumors and we made a documentary about the place of his death. In it, I detailed where he was, when it happened and from which side two rockets came, one after the other. The military prosecutor, Magomed Zhaniev, and our former representative in Moscow, Khamad Kurbanov, they died with him. They were immediately taken away by relatives and buried the next day. But many Chechens still didn’t believe me and so I had to write the book “Million First” which became a documentary about the birth, childhood, life and death of Dzhokhar Dudayev .
It was first published in Baku in 2002. Then in six other countries in different languages. By the way, immediately after the book was published, a video was mounted in Chechnya, someone spoke in my voice against the background of my photograph. “I apologize to the Chechen people, I am getting married. I searched for a long time and finally found someone similar to Dzhokhar, only the mustache is different.” This was done intentionally so that my book would not be believed, and some still think that I again married Dzhokhar, who in reality was allegedly wounded, secretly taken out of Chechnya, and then healed. Only many years later the Chechen people finally convinced themselves and stopped waiting for Dzhokhar.
“The immortal city of Grozny” 1995
After the liberation of Grozny in August, Chechnya found itself free, but in constant danger. From April 1996 to February 1997, Dzhokhar’s inheritance passed to Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. He was an old friend of your husband’s. What do you remember about him? What kind of person was he?
Zelimkhan Yandarbiev was a poet and leader of the Vainakh Democratic Party , one of the pioneers of Chechen People’s Freedom. He visited us in Tartu, Estonia and invited Dzhokhar to the first Congress. Dzhokhar made such a brilliant speech that he was elected chairman of the Chechen People’s Executive Committee. Zelimkhan was always next to Dzhokhar and supported him in everything. He was distinguished by great courage and loyalty to the idea of independence, and therefore Dzhokhar, after a series of unsuccessful attempts on his life, instructed him to replace him as president of the CRI in the event of his death. Zelimkhan’s courage can be judged by the famous video in which he did not surrender to President Yeltsin during peace talks in the Kremlin. And he insisted that he move to the place assigned to him, opposite Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. Because the war of 1994-1996 was with the Russian aggressor, who started the war with independent Ichkeria. This was not the “internal conflict” that the Russian media were talking about. And it was not about “restoring constitutional order on the territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria”, but about a full-scale war, during which the capital was burned to the ground by Russian bombs, the entire Chechen land was burned and mined ! Zelimkhan in 1997 held the election of a new president of the CRI, although he could have continued to hold office, but he wanted the Chechen people to choose their own president. Although then some blamed him for it. He has always been on the side of legality and democracy.
“Lost World” 1992
After the 1997 elections, the post of president of the republic passed to Aslan Maskhadov. What was your opinion of him? And how did this opinion change during your political tenure before the second Russian invasion?
Aslan Maskhadov inherited a country destroyed by the Russian-Chechen war and thousands wounded, tens of thousands of people without means of subsistence. Dzhokhar Dudayev forbade taking a ransom for captured Russians. But, immediately after his death on April 21, already in May, the oligarch Berezovsky bought out the Russian journalist Elena Masyuk from Chechen captivity for two million dollars. They returned her to the United States, and Bill Clinton, a friend of Yeltsin, solemnly awarded her a massive gold chain on her chest. All this was shown on television and marked the beginning of the hostage trade conducted by the FSK. They often took hostages from the families of wealthy businessmen to the border of the CRI and handed them over to the Chechens, and then divided the ransom through intermediaries, the main one being Berezovsky. The authorities could do nothing about the rampant crimes of the Russian special services. They killed 8 people from the International Red Cross, blaming the Chechens. And they cut off the heads of three foreigners who allegedly provided the republic with telephone communications with the whole world. They tried to show the Chechens as criminals and bandits to the whole world. In 1999, on Putin’s orders, they blew up two houses in Moscow and one in Volgodonsk, accused the Chechens of this crime and started the second Russo-Chechen war. The fate of Aslan Maskhadov was tragic, but he honorably fulfilled his duty and died as a result of a long guerrilla war. I think it was easier for him to live in a tent and fight in the forest alongside his faithful comrades than during his presidency.
“Allah Akhbar!” 1995
The main accusation leveled against Ichkeria between 1996 and 1999 is that it became an Islamic state and abandoned the path started by the 1992 Constitution and which Dzhokhar intended to maintain. What do you think about this topic?
Ichkeria hasn’t become an Islamic state over the years because it was ruled by President Aslan Maskhadov and had a parliament, but Foreign Minister Movladi Udugov created a two-story so-called “Wahhabi” center in the city of Grozny with security and behind a wall. People from Saudi Arabia came to him, who presented themselves to the Chechen people as the most correct Muslims. They stopped cars on the street and checked people’s IDs to see if relatives or women were traveling with unfamiliar men. To then punish them with whips, as well as for drunkenness. Udugov tried to install his emirs in each village to create parallel systems of state administration. In Urus-Martan, the only village not destroyed by bombing because its inhabitants did not take part in the resistance to Russian troops in the first Russo-Chechen war, a “Wahhabi” center was organized and hijabs were brought for women. In addition, small booklets with extracts from the Koran were brought, published in Moscow. There was a Jamaat school in Baku, where our wounded were taken in, and they were taught to pray differently, but they didn’t leave to react. They were subsidized by Moscow. But, I repeat, from 1992 to 1999, Ichkeria did not become an Islamic state and retained its constitution. Much later, already during the partisan war phase, in 2002, Aslan Maskhadov made a statement and changed the constitution by introducing an Islamic one, but only the parliament has the right to make such legislative decisions if there is a quorum and the modification of the constitution by all the people during a referendum.
“Highlander Amatsi” 2002
After Maskhadov’s death, Abdul- Khalim Sadulayev became the successor to the leadership of independent Ichkeria. He stated:
“With the beginning of the Second War, work continued on the drafting of the Constitution in full accordance with the norms of Islam, […] And now article 1 of the Constitution of the CRI accounting: “The Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is a sovereign and independent Islamic state of law, created as a result of the self-determination of the Chechen people. The sources of all decisions are the Koran and the Sunnah.” Thus, we have come to the logical conclusion of the legal reforms initiated by Dzhokhar Dudayev . Do you think these arguments are correct? What do you think about Sadulaev ?
Indeed, Abdul- Khalim Saidulaev , appointed by Maskhadov in case of his death, became Aslan Maskhadov’s successor. But, like Aslan Maskhadov, he was a partisan in the forest and did not have a parliament to change the constitution. Only the parliament has the ability to engage in legislative activities, and only the people have the right to decide such important issues as changing the constitution during a referendum on this issue. The president has the right only to sign the laws passed by the parliament or the decisions of the people during a referendum.
“Free Ichkeria” 2005
Do you think the Chechen diaspora in Europe and the West as a whole will be able to influence governments to intervene decisively in the rebirth of an independent Chechnya? What actions, in your opinion, should be taken by its representatives?
There are now 160,000 Russian troops in Ichkeria. As soon as the changes in Russia begin, the Russian troops left in a foreign country, surrounded by a foreign people, will slowly leave by themselves. Just as Kadyrov and his accomplices will run away, fearing a feud. Our activities, like all past years, took place in the information struggle with those who want to take advantage of the seizure of power in the republic to declare Sharia and themselves at the head of Sharia without the democratic choice of the people in accordance with our constitution. We are the only legitimate authority, the Presidium and its members have never proclaimed themselves illegal “prime ministers” or cabinet presidents. We were approved in our offices by the last president and we have continued our work. And we exist to organize democratic elections for new leaders who will undoubtedly appear among the Chechen people in the course of all these events. We must ensure the continuity of democratic power of the people. Only the people have the right to elect a leader and other structures. In recent years, many educated young Chechens have grown up, who studied at the best universities in Europe. Surely the most active of them will show up and be ready, on a competitive basis, not only to lead the republic, but also the cabinet of ministers.
“Wind of change” 2017
You, of Russian origin, could be represented, if you will allow me an analogy, as a tree with Russian roots and Chechen branches. How do you experience the relationship between these two identities, even after all that has happened?
I am very sorry that the Kremlin has started a war of annihilation with such an amazing people as the Chechens. In the first Russo-Chechen war, at the invitation of the government of Ichkeria, 250 Russian mothers came to Nazran for their captured sons, eighteen-year-old conscripts scattered throughout the republic, finding and taking their sons away from Chechen commanders. This went down in world history, for the first time such a small nation took pity on an army of conquerors and returned the captives without any ransom to their mothers. But, now, almost everyone who opposed the Russian Empire’s aggressive wars has either left Russia or been killed. The Russian people have changed and their army has turned into an army of looters and bandits. However, Russian generals are now taking criminals out of prisons and sending them to fight in Ukraine. And Russia itself evokes completely different feelings among all the peoples of our world. Therefore, everyone is waiting for this last empire of evil and violence to collapse and for its colonial peoples to free themselves and finally become masters of their own land and destiny. And I hope that with the help of Western countries, this will happen much faster than it could be with the Chechen people, who had almost no weapons to defend themselves, most of the machine guns were stolen from the Russian occupiers themselves. And yet he didn’t give up and led the resistance for decades. There were not even a million Chechens, now there are 46 million Ukrainians, and the whole world helps them with weapons and condemnation of Russia’s aggression.
During the war in Chechnya Western politicians declared non-interference in Russia’s internal affairs. Dzhokhar warned that the time might come when the West itself would become Russia’s internal affair. Lo and behold, this moment has come, his words have come true, and they finally woke up! Now Russia is recognized by the West as a terrorist state, although I would call it a terrorist state on an international scale! Because in addition to wars of conquest, it destroys all those who oppose it around the world: Alexander Litvinenko in London, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev in Qatar, Turkey, Austria, Germany, France… it is difficult to list all those killed by name and name the methods of their murder. The Russian government has to answer for its crimes in the same way as Nazi Germany did when the Nuremberg trials took place. Russia is waiting for Nuremberg 2. And I really hope that we will all witness this momentous event and the Russian Empire will sink into oblivion.
“I’ll never forget you” 1989
How did you live, as mother and wife of the late first president, between the first and second wars? I deliberately ask this question in a very general way. Then you can talk about whatever aspect or experience is most important to you.
Between the wars I lived, like most Chechens, in the belief that there would be no more war. People have restored destroyed houses, planted trees and gardens. Life went on. My kids were there and they too thought all the bad stuff was over. After the outbreak of the second war, when the Chechen people were undeservedly accused of blowing up houses in Moscow, everyone understood that this war would become revanchist. And Moscow’s revenge for the victory of the Chechen people in 1996. I had to leave Ichkeria and move to Ingushetia, then to Georgia, to Baku and, finally, to Istanbul. Our family, like many other Chechens, was forced into exile. Throughout Ichkeria, like mushrooms, Russian filtration fields multiplied, they became more than fifty. They were even in Stavropol, Minvody , Pyatigorsk . In them, tens of thousands of Chechens were tortured and killed. Some of the dying or corpses were sold to relatives for burial. It was a terrible time! The Chechen people paid for their desire to be free with their blood! But, in his soul, he has always remained unconquered, because from time immemorial he welcomed all those who entered his house saying: “be free”! And to this day this greeting remains in effect. I am grateful to fate for giving me the opportunity to get to know this proud and humane people, their customs and traditions. A people who would be admired and taken as an example by humanity if they knew it! And I thank Allah for giving me the opportunity to witness so many miracles that I would never have believed if I hadn’t seen them myself. The Chechen people are busy now, but this is only temporary, they have a bright future ahead of them, and new names and new heroes will certainly appear, about which we still do not know anything. After all, no country in the world has as many enthusiasts as the Chechens. People ready to give their lives for the freedom of the people!
A few days ago Francesco Benedetti met Inna Kurochkina in Florence. The interview that emerged takes up the speeches addressed in another chat, which took place more or less a year ago, shortly before Russia invaded Ukraine. In the course of this year many things have changed, Francis’ work has moved forward and with it his awareness of how important the history of Chechnya is for the West.
We reproduce the video of the interview, attaching the transcript in English.
ENGLISH TRANSCRIPTION
First of all I would like to congratulate you from all visitors, subscribers who have already read your first volume. From today it is possible to have this second volume. How is it possible to have it?
First of all thanks to you, and thanks to all those who appreciated the first volume, and who gave me this consideration. The book is currently available in Italian, on Amazon, but will soon be available in English, thanks to the collaboration of Orts Akhmadov, son of Ilyas Akhmadov, who is working with me on the English version, and will soon also be available in Russian and Chechen, as for the first volume.
The other time we met and talked about your book was December 2021 and perhaps we were expecting war, this tragedy. Then we met in Brussels on the first day of the war, when both we and you met Akhmed Zakayev for the first time. With your help we attended some Radicali Italiani events, these very good people who organized Akhmed Zakayev’s visit to Italy, so somehow you are involved in our activities and in Ichkeria’s. How has your life changed during this year?
I have certainly had more real experiences with respect to this theme. I was a simple student of the history of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, but my experience was purely theoretical, abstract, not concrete, material. Since that day I have had the opportunity to speak with many people, and this second book is also written thanks to the memoirs of about a hundred people with whom I have spoken. Thus, my knowledge of that historical experience and of the human experience of the Chechens has grown enormously. From February to today I have given faces, names and lives to an experience that for me until then had only been theoretical.
You and I are working on the history of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, because I am also doing a cycle of chronicles. Do you understand the expression “in your skin”? How did you feel firsthand how the war was coming to Chechnya?
One of the questions I ask myself while studying the history of Chechnya, and in particular when studying this period, was “how would I have felt if I had found myself in that situation?” And I ask myself this question almost every day, because my study is based on the memories of the people I interview, and my interviews focus precisely on this aspect of every historical event: naturally I ask for information, names, dates, etc., but the first question I asked in almost every interview was “how did you feel at that moment?” “How did you spend the period between 26 November and 11 December (the time between the storming of Grozny by the pro-Russian opposition and the invasion). Personally, I try every day to imagine what the feelings of the people waiting for the war were, what they were thinking: their children, their families, how to save their families, how to save their things, their money, their cars, their homes. An event like this can completely destroy life, change people’s lives forever. I think I’m quite an empathic person, and I assure you that writing this book I suffered a lot. Like any author, I often re-read the book I’ve read, and every time I have the same feeling of tragedy on the one hand, and admiration on the other for those people who survived the war, in this case managing to win it, against their invaders .
I would like to understand how you frame the nature of the Chechen people. I was born in Georgia, I’m Ukrainian. I would like to work for the Georgian people, or for the Chechen people, but my whole heart now belongs to the Chechen people, I don’t know why. How could you describe your feeling towards the Chechen people? Because if you fell in love with this people, you did it because you have a passion in you.
I understand what you think because, when I think about it, what happened to me is really strange. I live in Tuscany, and I have no family, economic or any other connection with Chechnya. Yet ever since I was a child, something happened the first time I heard the name “Chechnya”. I don’t know exactly what, an elective affinity that has grown inside me, and I don’t know exactly why.
What I love about the Chechen people about this story is their ability to show happiness in tragedy. In them I have seen people who don’t want to be considered victims, but people who manage to find the beauty of life in everything. They have shown the world how to laugh in the face of death, and how to preserve humanity even in a situation which, if I imagine myself in their place, would strip humanity away from me as well. If a war destroyed my life maybe I’d go crazy. I have spoken to many people who have fought a war and have not gone mad, but rather have kept their kindness, their being good people. I don’t know if I would be able to keep these qualities in myself, fighting a war. I think this character trait of the Chechens is beautiful: the fact that they have managed to keep their happiness and will to live despite going through such bitter experiences.
Knowing this special character trait of this people, let’s think about how much Russia has gone to destroy them. It’s a biblical story for me. What do you think about it?
When a bully tries to hit a victim, and the victim smiles at him, the bully will become even more angry, but will ultimately be defeated by his victim’s resilience. In this sense I loved the struggle of the Chechens who showed the Russians that their spirit would never break.
In this last year we realized that the Ukrainians didn’t understand what the war in Chechnya was, just like the Russians they didn’t care about it. Now they have understood, and the Ukrainian parliament has recognized the independence, the state of occupation and the genocide of the Chechen people. What needs to happen for even Russian liberals to understand this tragedy? In their view of life there is no Chechen war and no Chechen tragedy, and of course there is no Ichkeria. What do you think?
I think Russian liberals are also part of the Russian empire. Maybe they want a “liberal empire”? Maybe it’s nonsense. I don’t think that in this sense there is much difference between the radical parties and the moderate or liberal ones. Everyone wants the same thing: to strengthen the empire, in one form or another. Maybe Russian liberals don’t want to fight the war in Ukraine, but they also don’t want to lose the integrity of their empire. I don’t see anything strange in this. I’m more used to studying and reading the news of another empire, the American one, and the liberals of the American empire are no less angry and aggressive than the nationalists. Citizens of an empire grow up thinking the only way to preserve the country is to stick together and squash any dissonant voices.
I was very surprised by your “hobby”. I’m going to show snippets from one of your band’s videos, which is called “Inner Code”. Tell me about this song about empire. I’m so surprised because you’re from Florence, we can’t relate the concept of “empire” with the city of Rome, which is so beautiful.
Rome in this song is the archetype of the empire. When we think of the Roman Empire we think of the empire by definition. The Russian Empire itself is inspired by the Roman Empire. The word “Tsar” is the translation of the Latin “Caesar”, the Kaiser of the German Empire is the Germanic translation of “Caesar”, and so on. “He will burn Rome” speaks of the fall of Rome, but by extension it speaks of the fall of all empires. No matter how big and strong, every empire will fall sooner or later. When I listen to this song I find a connection with the story we are talking about, being a story that can work with any empire, even the Russian one. However, I recommend listening to the song at a low volume!
[…]
Basically, everything we are talking about revolves around the word “Freedom”. You are a free person in all respects, as I see. Do you see the freedom of Ichkeria under attack? Do you think the imperial forces, the FSB , want to cancel this goal of freedom? We perceive these attacks, for example those that are being carried out against Akhmed Zakayev, a person who is a symbol of freedom of Ichkeria. Do you perceive these attacks from Italy?
I guess this behavior is consistent with the situation. I have an indirect perception of this, because unfortunately Italian newspapers don’t report much on what is happening in Chechnya or in the Chechen diaspora. However, having some contact with members of the Chechen diaspora due to my studies, I imagine that these people are talking about present and future plans to achieve independence and freedom for Chechnya and sometimes they do it in heated discussions, or getting angry. I speak as an Italian, I don’t think I have the right to tell the Chechens what they have to do. Only, seeing what is happening in the Chechen diaspora from the outside, I notice that there are “unresolved issues” and it is possible that the FSB , or anyone who does not want an independent Chechnya, could emphasize these divisions on the pro-independence front to weaken it. I hope people don’t fall into this trap. I don’t know if Chechnya’s independence is far or near, but it is important that at every step we find ourselves in the best condition to gather all our strength together to win freedom.
In recent months, also thanks to you and to the Italian Radicals (I am thinking of the meeting in Rome between Zakayev and Benedetto della Vedova, the speech to the Italian parliament, the recognition of Ichkeria by the Ukrainian parliament, the just finished speech by Zakayev at the European Parliament etc.) we have seen an evolution in the proposal of the government of Ichkeria. In Brussels, Zakayev presented a project for the reconstitution of the Republic of the Mountain, established in 1918 and dissolved by the Bolsheviks, and which Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Dzhokhar Dudaev at the time wanted to reconstitute in the 1990s. Now Zakayev is carrying out this idea, this project, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Inal Sharip has gone to Washington DC and is presenting it there. As a historian, do you think this project of the Mountain Republic is safer, more feasible than independent Chechnya? Do you think Chechnya alone could survive its monstrous neighbors?
I think creating a confederation is very difficult, but if it is led by a strong center, it can multiply the strength of every single member. If the confederation is a simple sum of subjects I don’t think it will last long. An example can be that of the European Union: a sum of countries, but its strength is not equivalent to the sum of the forces that compose it. Because each country defends its interests, and this is a problem because a state built like this cannot resist the forces of countries like the United States, Russia, China. The problem with our confederation is that we don’t have a center, a nation that holds all the others together. And every time one of the European nations takes supremacy, the others fight against it. So our European confederation is politically weak. If the Chechens want to lead a confederation they don’t have to do it like the Europeans did. If they are credible enough to attract other nations into a confederation of which they are the centre, not as an imperial centre, but as the place of those who believe most of all in this project, and who are ready to sacrifice themselves for it more than the others to keep everyone together, then I think this is a political project that can last. Like, for example, the United States, which is a confederacy that, after some major problems, has become the most powerful nation on earth. A confederation, therefore, can last, but you need a center that has the credibility and strength to hold all the others together, not by force but by setting an example. I think the Chechens have shown the world great examples more than once.
In 1997 Russia and Chechnya signed a peace treaty which was later betrayed. What do you think about the desire of the world community to persuade Ukraine to sign a similar treaty with Russia?
Looking at history, it is perfectly understood that the real value of documents depends on whether or not they reflect the real situation. In 1997 Russia signed a peace treaty, but while it was signing it was preparing its second invasion. In my opinion, if he now accepts a compromise with Russia, this compromise will in no case fix any situation, because I don’t think the Russians would be satisfied, and neither would the Ukrainians. I believe that a compromise now would only be a way of moving the war forward by three or four years. I believe that this is a moment in which it is necessary to solve a problem that was born in Chechnya. In a wonderful review by Adriano Sofri, an Italian who knows Chechnya well, and who wrote a wonderful article on this book, he says that what happened in Ukraine is a remake of what happened in Chechnya and Georgia, and that Ukraine is the end of a line that starts in Chechnya. It is time to break this line once and for all, otherwise we will have to add another point to this line in four or five years. As a European I reflect on the fact that this line does not go away from Europe, but from Chechnya towards Europe. The next point will be even closer to our home, not further away. I think Europe should think about this. If they don’t stop this process now, they will face it again even closer to home.
Alcuni giorni fa Francesco Benedetti ha incontrato a Firenze Inna Kurochkina di I NEWS. L’intervista che ne è uscita fuori riprende i discorsi affrontati in un’altra chiacchierata, svoltasi più o meno un anno fa, poco prima che la Russia invadesse l’Ucraina. Nel corso di questo anno molte cose sono cambiate, il lavoro di Francesco è andato avanti e con esso la sua consapevolezza di quanto sia importante per l’Occidente la storia della Cecenia.
Riproponiamo il video dell’intervista, allegandone la trascrizione in lingua italiana.
TRASCRIZIONE IN ITALIANO DELL’INTERVISTA
Prima di tutto vorrei congratularmi con te da parte di tutti i visitatori, gli abbonati che hanno già letto il tuo primo volume. Da oggi è possibile avere questo secondo volume. Com’è possibile averlo?
Prima di tutto grazie a te, e grazie a tutti coloro che hanno apprezzato il primo volume, e che mi hanno dato questa considerazione. Il libro in questo momento è disponibile in italiano, su Amazon, ma sarà presto disponibile in inglese, grazie alla collaborazione di Orts Akhmadov, figlio di Ilyas Akhmadov, che sta lavorando con me alla versione inglese, e presto sarà disponibile anche in lingua russa e cecena, come per il primo volume.
L’altra volta che ci siamo visti ed abbiamo parlato del tuo libro era il Dicembre del 2021 e forse ci aspettavamo la guerra, questa tragedia. Poi ci siamo incontrati a Bruxelles nel primo giorno della guerra, quando sia noi che tu incontrammo per la prima volta Akhmed Zakayev. Con il tuo aiuto partecipammo ad alcuni eventi di Radicali Italiani, queste ottime persone che organizzarono la visita di Akhmed Zakayev in Italia, quindi in qualche modo sei coinvolto nelle nostre attività ed in quelle di Ichkeria. Com’è cambiata la tua vita durante questo anno?
Sicuramente ho avuto esperienze più reali rispetto a questo tema. Ero un semplice studente della storia della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria, ma la mia esperienza era puramente teorica, astratta, non concreta, materiale. Da quel giorno ho avuto modo di parlare con molte persone, e questo secondo libro è scritto anche grazie alle memorie di circa un centinaio di persone con le quali ho parlato. Così, la mia conoscenza di quella esperienza storica e dell’esperienza umana dei ceceni è cresciuta enormemente. Da Febbraio ad oggi ho dato volti, nomi ed vite ad un’esperienza che per me fino ad allora era stata soltanto teoretica.
Io e te stiamo lavorando alla storia della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria, perché anch’io sto facendo un ciclo di cronache. Capisci l’espressione “nella tua pelle”? Come hai sentito sulla tua pelle come la guerra stesse arrivando in Cecenia?
Una delle domande che mi faccio studiando la storia della Cecenia, e in particolare studiando questo periodo è stata proprio “come mi sarei sentito se mi fossi trovato in quella situazione?” E mi faccio questa domanda quasi tutti i giorni, perché il mio studio si basa sulle memorie delle persone che intervisto, e le mie interviste si focalizzano proprio si questo aspetto di ogni evento storico: naturalmente chiedo informazioni, nomi, date eccetera, ma la prima domanda che ho fatto in quasi tutte le interviste è stata “come ti sentivi in quel momento?” “Come passasti il periodo tra il 26 Novembre e l’11 Dicembre (il lasso di tempo tra l’assalto a Grozny da parte dell’opposizione filorussa e l’invasione). Personalmente provo ogni giorno ad immaginarmi quali fossero i sentimenti delle persone che aspettavano la guerra, cosa pensavano: i loro figli, le loro famiglie, come mettere in salvo le loro famiglie, come mettere in salvo le loro cose, i loro soldi, le loro auto, le loro case. Un evento come questo può distruggere completamente la vita, cambia per sempre la vita della gente. Credo di essere una persona abbastanza empatica, e ti assicuro che scrivendo questo libro ho sofferto molto. Come ogni autore rileggo molto spesso il libro che ho letto, ed ogni volta ho la stessa sensazione da una parte di tragedia, dall’altra di ammirazione per quelle persone che sono sopravvissute alla guerra, in questo caso riuscendo a vincerla, contro i loro invasori.
Vorrei comprendere come inquadri la natura del popolo ceceno. Io sono nata in Georgia, sono ucraina. Vorrei lavorare per il popolo georgiano, o per quello ceceno, ma tutto il mio cuore ora appartiene al popolo ceceno, non so perché. Come potresti descrivere il tuo sentimento verso il popolo ceceno? Perché se ti sei innamorato per questo popolo, lo hai fatto perché hai in te una passione.
Capisco quello che pensi perché, se ci penso, è veramente strano ciò che mi è capitato. Vivo in Toscana, e non ho alcun collegamento familiare, economico o di qualsiasi altro genere con la Cecenia. Eppure fin da quando ero bambino, la prima volta in cui ho ascoltato il nome “Cecenia” è successo qualcosa. Non so cosa precisamente, un’affinità elettiva che è cresciuta dentro di me, e non so precisamente perché.
Ciò che amo del popolo ceceno, riguardo a questa storia, è la sua capacità di mostrare la felicità nella tragedia. In loro ho visto persone che non vogliono essere considerate vittime, ma persone che riescono a trovare la bellezza della vita in ogni cosa. Loro hanno mostrato al mondo come si ride di fronte alla morte, e come si conserva l’umanità anche in una situazione che, se mi immagino di essere al loro posto, strapperebbe via l’umanità anche da me. Se una guerra distruggesse la mia vita forse diventerei pazzo. Ho parlato con molte persone che hanno combattuto una guerra e non sono impazzite, ma anzi hanno conservato la loro gentilezza, il loro essere persone buone. Non so se sarei in grado di conservare in me queste qualità, combattendo una guerra. Penso che questo tratto caratteriale dei ceceni sia bellissimo: il fatto che siano riusciti a conservare felicità e voglia di vivere nonostante abbiano dovuto affrontare esperienze così amare.
Conoscendo questo tratto caratteriale speciale di questo popolo, pensiamo a quanto la Russia si sia impegnata a distruggerli. E’ una storia biblica per me. Tu che ne pensi?
Quando un bullo prova a picchiare una vittima, e questa gli sorride, il bullo diventerà ancora più rabbioso, ma alla fine sarà sconfitto dalla resilienza della sua vittima. In questo senso ho amato la lotta dei ceceni, i quali hanno mostrato ai russi che il loro spirito non si sarebbe mai spezzato.
In quest’ultimo anno ci siamo resi conto che gli ucraini non avevano capito cosa fosse stata la guerra in Cecenia, perché esattamente come i russi non se ne erano preoccupati. Adesso hanno capito, ed il parlamento ucraino ha riconosciuto l’indipendenza, lo stato di occupazione ed il genocidio del popolo ceceno. Cosa deve succedere perché anche i liberali russi capiscano questa tragedia? Nella loro visione della vita non c’è nessuna guerra cecena e nessuna tragedia cecena, e ovviamente non c’è nessuna Ichkeria. Cosa ne pensi?
Penso che i liberali russi siano anche loro parte dell’impero russo. Forse vogliono un “impero liberale”? Forse è un non – senso. Non credo che in questo senso ci sia tanta differenza tra i partiti radicali e quelli moderati, o liberali. Tutti vogliono la stessa cosa: rafforzare l’impero, in una forma o nell’altra. Forse i liberali russi, non vogliono combattere la guerra in Ucraina, ma non vogliono neanche perdere l’integrità del loro impero. Non vedo niente di strano in questo. Sono più abituato a studiare ed a leggere le notizie di un altro impero, quello americano, ed i liberali dell’impero americano non sono meno arrabbiati ed aggressivi rispetto ai nazionalisti. I cittadini di un impero crescono pensando che l’unico modo per preservare il paese sia tenero unito e schiacciare ogni voce dissonante.
Sono stata molto sorpresa dal tuo “hobby”. Mostrerò dei pezzi di uno dei video della tua band, che si chiama “Inner Code”. Parlami di questa canzone che parla dell’impero. Sono così sorpresa perché sei di Firenze, noi non riusciamo a mettere in relazione il concetto di “impero” con la città di Roma, che è così bella.
Roma in questa canzone è l’archetipo dell’impero. Quando pensiamo all’impero romano pensiamo all’impero per definizione. Lo stesso impero russo si ispira all’impero romano. La parola “Zar” è la traduzione del latino “Caesar”, il Kaiser dell’impero tedesco è la traduzione germanica di “Caesar”, e così via. “Brucerà Roma” parla della caduta di Roma, ma per estensione parla della caduta di tutti gli imperi. Per quanto grande e forte, ogni impero prima o poi cadrà. Quando ascolto questa canzone trovo un collegamento con la storia di cui stiamo parlando, essendo una storia che può funzionare con qualsiasi impero, anche per quello russo. Consiglio comunque di ascoltare la canzone a volume basso!
[…]
Fondamentalmente, tutto ciò di cui stiamo parlando gira intorno alla parola “Libertà”. Tu sei una persona libera sotto tutti i punti di vista, come vedo. Vedi la libertà di Ichkeria sotto attacco? Pensi che le forze imperiali, l’Fsb, vogliano cancellare questo obiettivo di libertà? Noi percepiamo questi attacchi, per esempio quelli che stanno venendo portati contro Akhmed Zakayev, una persona che è un simbolo della libertà di Ichkeria. Percepisci questi attacchi dall’Italia?
Immagino che questo comportamento sia coerente con la situazione. Ho una percezione indiretta di questo, perché sfortunatamente i giornali italiani non raccontano molto ciò che succede in Cecenia o nella diaspora cecena. Tuttavia avendo alcuni contatti con i membri della diaspora cecena per via dei miei studi, immagino che queste persone stiano parlando di progetti presenti e futuri per raggiungere l’indipendenza e la libertà della Cecenia e che talvolta lo facciano discutendo animatamente, o arrabbiandosi. Parlo da italiano, non penso di avere il diritto di dire ai ceceni ciò che devono fare. Solo, vedendo da fuori ciò che succede nella diaspora cecena, noto che ci sono delle “questioni irrisolte” ed è possibile che l’Fsb, o chiunque non voglia una Cecenia indipendente possa enfatizzare queste divisioni del fronte indipendentista per indebolirlo. Spero che le persone non cadano in questa trappola. Non so se l’indipendenza della Cecenia è lontana o vicina, ma è importante che ad ogni passo ci si trovi nella migliore condizione per raccogliere insieme tutte le forze per conquistare la libertà.
Negli ultimi mesi, anche grazie a te ed ai Radicali Italiani (penso all’incontro a Roma tra Zakayev e Benedetto della Vedova, al discorso al parlamento italiano, al riconoscimento di Ichkeria da parte del parlamento ucraino, all’appena terminato intervento di Zakayev al parlamento europeo ecc..) abbiamo visto un’evoluzione nella proposta del governo di Ichkeria. A Bruxelles Zakayev ha presentato un progetto di ricostituzione della Repubblica della Montagna, costituita nel 1918 e dissolta dai Bolscevichi, e che a suo tempo Zviad Gamsakhurdia e Dzhokhar Dudaev volevano ricostituire negli anni ’90. Adesso Zakayev sta portando avanti quest’idea, questo progetto, ed il Ministro degli Affari Esteri, Inal Sharip è andato a Washington DC e lo sta presentando là. Da storico, pensi che questo progetto della Repubblica della Montagna sia più sicuro, più realizzabile rispetto alla Cecenia indipendente? Pensi che da sola la Cecenia riuscirebbe a sopravvivere ai suoi vicini così “mostruosi”?
Penso che creare una confederazione sia molto difficile, ma se questa è guidata da un centro forte, può moltiplicare la forza di ogni suo singolo membro. Se la confederazione è una semplice somma di soggetti non credo che durerà a lungo. Un esempio può essere quello dell’Unione Europea: una somma di paesi, ma la sua forza non è equivalente alla somma delle forze che la compongono. Perché ogni paese difende i suoi interessi, e questo è un problema perché uno stato costruito in questo modo non può resistere a forze di paesi come Stati Uniti, Russia, Cina. Il problema della nostra confederazione è che non abbiamo un centro, una nazione che tiene unite tutte le altre. E ogni volta che una delle nazioni europee prende la supremazia le altre la combattono. Così la nostra confederazione europea è politicamente debole. Se i ceceni vogliono guidare una confederazione non devono farlo come lo hanno fatto gli europei. Se saranno abbastanza credibili da attrarre le altre nazioni in una confederazione della quale loro siano il centro, non come un centro imperiale, ma come il luogo di coloro che credono più di tutti gli altri a questo progetto, e che per questo sono pronti a sacrificarsi più degli altri per tenere tutti insieme, allora credo che questo sia un progetto politico che può durare. Come, per esempio, gli Stati Uniti, i quali sono una confederazione che, dopo alcuni grossi problemi, è diventata la più potente nazione della terra. Una confederazione, quindi, può durare, ma ti serve un centro che abbia la credibilità e la forza per tenere insieme tutti gli altri, non con la forza ma dando l’esempio. Penso che i ceceni abbiano mostrato più di una volta al mondo grandi esempi.
Nel 1997 Russia e Cecenia firmarono un trattato di pace che poi fu tradito. Cosa pensi del desiderio da parte della comunità mondiale di convincere l’Ucraina a firmare un trattato simile con la Russia?
Guardando alla storia si capisce perfettamente che il reale valore dei documenti dipende dal fatto che questi riflettano o meno la situazione reale. Nel 1997 la Russia firmò un trattato di pace, ma mentre lo firmava stava preparando la seconda invasione. Secondo me se adesso accettasse un compromesso con la Russia, questo compromesso in nessun caso potrebbe sistemare alcuna situazione, perché non credo che i russi sarebbero soddisfatti, e neanche gli ucraini lo sarebbero. Credo che adesso un compromesso sarebbe soltanto un modo per spostare in avanti la guerra di tre o quattro anni. Credo che questo sia un momento nel quale è necessario risolvere un problema che è nato proprio in Cecenia. In una bellissima recensione di Adriano Sofri, un italiano che conosce bene la Cecenia, e che ha scritto un bellissimo articolo su questo libro, lui dice che quello che è successo in Ucraina è un remake di quello che è successo in Cecenia e in Georgia, e che l’Ucraina è la fine di una linea che inizia in Cecenia. E’ il momento di interrompere questa linea una volta per tutte, altrimenti dovremo aggiungere un altro punto a questa linea, tra quattro o cinque anni. Come europeo rifletto sul fatto che questa linea non si dirige lontano dall’Europa, ma dalla Cecenia verso l’Europa. Il punto successivo sarà ancora più vicino a casa nostra, non più lontano. Credo che l’Europa dovrebbe pensare a questo. Se non interrompono questo processo adesso, lo affronteranno di nuovo ancora più vicino a casa.
Mr. Gerikhanov , your intervention in the Budennovsk hostage crisis begins on the evening of June 15, 1995, when you reach the city hospital, occupied by Basayev’s men, with the intention of starting negotiations. The task had been assigned to her by the Minister for Nationalities of the Russian Federation, Mikhailov. Do you remember how you responded to his request? Were you able to communicate with ChRI authorities from the time you were called to the hospital until you entered the hospital?
That’s essentially how it went. As chairman of the Constitutional Court , I had no contact with the leadership of the Chechen Republic, and was busy reporting on the war crimes that were taking place on the territory of our republic. I have personally held dozens of international conferences and roundtables, in which I have called for the intervention of the world community to stop the destruction of the Chechen people as an ethnic group!
At the time I was in Moscow, as an expert in the session of the International Tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Chechen Republic, headed by State Duma Deputy Galina Starovoitova, later killed due to her civil engagement on the events in Chechnya. While I was at work, I was approached by one of my compatriots who held a responsible position in the presidential administration of the Russian Federation. He was looking for me at the request of the Minister for Nationalities, Mikhailov, who asked for my assistance in freeing the hostages held in Budennovsk. Naturally, I accepted the assignment, aware of the moral responsibility I had for these facts, as a senior official of the republic.
First of all, I interpreted my mission as that of allowing the hostages to understand the reason for this armed incursion, and to explain to them that they were not “militants”, as reported by all the world’s media, but defenders of their homeland.
Two or three days after I received the request, I was on a plane bound for Grozny, on which was also a delegation from the Russian Liberal Democratic Party, headed by Zhirinovsky. We had no contact with them, but the departure of the plane from Moscow was delayed for several hours.
Ikhvan Gerikhanov waits in front of an entrance to the Budennovsk hospital manned by one of Basayev’s men
Together with her were other Chechen officials. Who were they? And why did you choose them?
With me . were Paskushev and D. Khangoshvili . The second is a Georgian Chechen. Neither was an official of the state structure of the republic. I didn’t choose them, we just happened to be together. In fact I was not the head of the delegation. The other two simply knew my position among the authorities of the republic, and they recognized me as a sort of “primacy” in relation to the responsibility of my work. Unfortunately Khangoshvili passed away a week ago. Paskushev remained at headquarters in the Ministry of Internal Affairs building to ensure our safety.
I take this opportunity to express my special gratitude to my comrades for their courage and perseverance in these events. We were exposed to mortal danger of being shot in the rear by the Russian army, or by a sniper, or of being shot by our own if the military’s provocations ended with the assault on the hospital.
Did you personally know Basayev before Budennovsk? What opinion did you have of him? And how has it changed after the seizure of the hospital?
Before these events I had never had personal contact with him, as a Member of Parliament on first call and President of the Constitutional Court I was busy with my duties.
My opinion on this raid is still ambiguous today, I am against violence against civilians, although dozens of times we Chechens have seen how Russian troops put groups of civilians in front of them and went on the attack. But war is war , there are no rules of engagement and no one chooses the methods. This was mutually evident when civilians were killed by carpet bombing on the territory of the republic and filter camps were set up, where ordinary civilians, both women and men, were tortured, raped and killed.
The indifference of the absolute majority of Russian citizens and the world community gave the following result: our soldiers were forced to attract everyone’s attention in this way, to stop the destruction of the Chechens on a national basis. By the way, to this day the participants of Basayev’s raid are “found guilty” and sentenced to the maximum sentence, while not a single officer or soldier of the Russian army, except for the freak and rapist Budanov, has been held responsible for the criminal acts made on the territory of our republic.
This raid, with its pitiable innocent victims, produced results: the war was stopped and the Khasavyurt Accords on the cessation of hostilities and the beginning of peace negotiations were signed.
After landing in Budennovsk and reaching the hospital, you made contact with the Chechen units barricaded in the facility. Your first request to talk to Basayev, however, was turned down. Aslambek Ismailov, clarified that there would be no negotiations. Why do you think Basayev reacted so harshly? Didn’t he recognize you as a senior ChRI official? And speaking of Ismailov, did you know him before the Budennovsk events?
Before our arrival in Budennovsk, Basayev made it clear to everyone that there would be no negotiations before the withdrawal of the Russian army from the territory of our republic and that negotiations with Dudayev for the recognition of independence should begin. To all delegations, including one composed of Basayev’s relatives, he made it clear that he would not speak to anyone, and that any attempt to force the situation would lead to the death of the hostages.
After arriving at the Headquarters, headed by Russian Deputy Prime Minister Egorov, I informed everyone about the purpose of my visit and after long discussions I called the hospital directly to explain that my intention was to visit the building where the hostages were being held. Since it was night, I resolved to enter the building the next morning. Ismailov, Basayev’s deputy, answered me. I had never met him before. He knew me, he knew I was a high official of the republic. He promised to tell Basayev what I was proposing, and to give me an answer within a few hours.
To get an affirmative answer, I had to declare that I was willing to remain inside the hospital together with the hostages and Basayev’s men if my efforts to resolve the crisis were unsuccessful.
June 18 , you finally managed to enter the hospital, leading two different groups inside the facility and starting negotiations to open an exit corridor for Basayev’s men, in exchange for the release of a certain number of hostages. How did these negotiations take place? Why do you think Basayev changed his attitude towards you?
My first contact was on June 16 , when Khangoshvili and Ismailov met at the hospital entrance. Before our arrival a sniper had shot one of Basayev’s men, and his corpse was still lying in plain sight, covered in blood, at a distance of 1.5 – 2 meters. To avoid risking the same end, we met on the entrance stairway, sheltered from snipers. After a short conversation with Ismailov, we parted. On the same day he contacted the General Headquarters informing those present that Basayev was available to meet the President of the Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic.
Women and children hostages are freed during the negotiations.
What situation did you find in the hospital? Do you remember the conditions of the hostages and militants during your stay in the facility?
The situation was very tense, there were many women and children, some wounded, mothers who had just given birth. With respect to this, the Russian media presented a distorted version of reality: with the exception of military pilots and police officers, the hostages were shown respect and care, relative to the conditions in which they found themselves. The hostages themselves had spread white scarves and sheets outside the windows to prevent an assault by the Russian army. I saw a woman, a doctor from the hospital, slap a police lieutenant general who was saying that Basayev’s team was putting women and children against the windows!
Khangoshvili and I have been to the hospital 5-6 times until June 18th , and each time we came back with several children, who we returned to their mothers. They persuaded me to take the children with me, referring to the fact that Basayev would not object and that the children would be saved. On our next visit, we heard the voices of the women talking to each other saying that there was a “mustachioed prosecutor” and that another group of children needed to be rounded up.
According to press reports, it was you who developed the text of the agreement that led to the resolution of the crisis. Do you remember the genesis of this document? Were there discussions about what should be written on it? Do you keep a copy of this document?
Yes, I wrote that text. At the first meeting with Basayev he recognized my rank as an official, but said that he was accountable to his command, and that without the approval of his bosses he would not take any decision. Basayev insisted that the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya and the republic’s independence could not be negotiated. His detachment would not have left if these two conditions were not met. If necessary they would all have sacrificed their lives for this. I had to talk to all the members of Basayev’s team to explain to them that at this stage of the conflict, fulfilling both conditions would be impossible, even with the sacrifice of all Chechens on earth.
In the end, thanks to the help of the witnesses I brought, and the arguments of my reasoning, I managed to persuade Basayev that the withdrawal of troops and the opening of negotiations would be real steps towards ending the war and recognizing Chechen sovereignty . After another visit to the hospital on June 17 , Basayev finally declared that he was ready to open a dialogue on this basis, and asked me to draft a document. To the above conditions he added the request for a guarantee of safety for his men, so that they could return to Chechnya without incident. Finally, he reminded me that, as a Chechen, I would answer to the people and to Allah if the Russian military and political leadership did not abide by the agreements.
The text was signed by responsible persons. I was asked to sign as head of the Chechen delegation, but I refused because I was a state official. However, having to identify a guarantor among the Chechens, I asked Kanghoshvili to sign, since the Russian government would not accept my signature as an official of the Chechen Republic.
The main concern for me and for Basayev was: who would guarantee the free passage of the buses on which the Chechen fighters and their escorts would leave? Knowing the insidious behavior of the Russian military and leadership, when I returned to the HQ I asked on my own initiative that this guarantee be given by the Russian Prime Minister Chernomyrdin: without his direct intervention, Basayev’s men would not have left the building, and they would have agreed to fight to the death. All those present reacted with anger: Deputy Prime Minister Yegorov , FSB director Stephasin and other military commanders invited me to leave. To which, brusquely, I told them that if they stormed the hospital, the whole world would immediately know about it from me, and the death of the hostages would remain on their conscience!
While returning to Moscow with the Chechen delegation, the human rights activist, S. Kovalev, approached us, and told us that Chernomyrdin was willing to talk with us about the guarantees to be given to Basayev’s men. I replied that this shouldn’t have been behind the scenes, but that it should have been an official statement. I then demanded that the Prime Minister speak to Basayev directly on the phone, and threatened to abandon the negotiations, and to return to my job if the conversation did not take place.
When you left the hospital, you took about a hundred hostages with you. Do you remember any of them? Were you able to exchange a few words between you? What did the hostages think about what was happening?
As I said, after I learned that Chernomyrdin would call Basayev, I returned to the hospital on June 18th . Arriving from Basayev I asked him: if the Prime Minister provides a guarantee of safe passage to Chechnya, will this be a sufficient basis for the release of the hostages? Basayev and his men laughed: they didn’t believe such a guarantee would be possible. However Kovalev and the accompanying State Duma deputies confirmed my words, so we added this clause to the agreement, and signed it. I asked Basayev to give a sign of good will by handing over, together with the request for agreement, at least 100 hostages, including women and children, to be released. Basayev agreed to the request the next day.
Upon your departure, Basayev reportedly warned you: “Remember that you are a Chechen. If even a single hair falls from my fighters’ heads along the way, your whole family will answer for it!” Does this mean you got involved in a family feud to save the Budennovsk hostages?
Naturally this was a provocation on Basayev’s part. After all, I could not vouch for their free passage through Russian territory. Knowing about Yeltsin’s intention to show himself to the world community as a fighter against “terrorists”, I nipped in the bud another provocation thought up by the head of the operation to free the hostages, General Yerin . As soon as I arrived in Moscow, I gave several interviews to Russian and foreign journalists in which I feared a possible military provocation against Basayev’s detachment on the way back.
After signing the agreement, on your way home, you were abruptly called back at Aslambek ‘s explicit request Abdulkhadzhiev . The feds had asked all those who had joined Basayev on the return journey to sign a document that effectively exempted the Russian authorities from any responsibility in the event of accidents on the way back. It was a tacit admission of a willingness to raid Basayev’s convoy as soon as it entered Chechnya. Abdulkhadzhiev stated that without your intervention the negotiations would not have resumed. Did you know him? Why was your presence deemed necessary?
I have already mentioned General Yerin , the author of this receipt stating that such and such a person “voluntarily joins Shamil Basayev’s group…”. Abdulkhadzhiev reacted urgently to this provocation and declared that without a conversation with the President of the Constitutional Court of the Republic, the agreement would not proceed.
A car caught up with us on the way to the airport, and we were asked to come back. Upon arrival in Budennovsk, after reading the text proposed by General Yerin , I asked to speak urgently with Chernomyrdin and, after my explanations, Chernomyrdin slipped through Yerin , scolded him about the receipt and ordered him to cancel it. It later became known that the General was preparing an assault on Basayev’s convoy on orders from President Yeltsin, who was outside Russia at the time. Indeed, an attempted assault took place near the Chechen border, at the height of Kurskaya , when military helicopters began flying over the buses. However, due to the great attention these events caused and the presence of many foreign journalists, the attack did not take place.
Hostages leave the hospital
After resolving this second crisis, you were faced with the frustrated reaction of the Russian military and civilians who had witnessed the kidnapping. Why were they mad at you? What made them so nervous?
The answer in this case is unequivocal. Many soldiers wanted to destroy Basayev’s detachment and gain prestige. They didn’t care about the hostages and their punishments at the time. On our next visit to the hospital we realized that the army’s special units clearly wanted to take advantage of the stalemate in operations due to the negotiation process to storm the hospital. And the police major’s snide comment: You can’t come here, you’re no better than the terrorists you sent home I assumed I never expected the most basic humanity or gratitude from these people.
After Basayev’s return to Chechnya, your mission was over. Were you able to contact Dudayev, or another official of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria?
Unfortunately no, I was very busy with the international tribunal, and until 1996 I was unable to return to the republic. According to Abdulkhadzhiev , in the presence of Ismailov and Basayev, my actions in this mission were highly appreciated by the President, who said that at the first meeting with me he would present me with the Republic’s highest award, the “Honor of the Nation ”. Unfortunately, the infamous assassination of the President of the Chechen Republic prevented us from meeting on this earth.
Did the Russian authorities give you any credit for ending the Budennovsk hostage crisis?
First of all, I didn’t expect anything from gold and I didn’t work for them. I only accepted the offer to participate in this matter, in good faith, because I was one of the highest officials of the Republic. Secondly, I did what I did out of civic duty, and I am grateful to the Almighty for giving me the opportunity to be of service to my people and to free more than 1200 hostages who were not involved in hostilities, like dozens of thousands of civilians in Chechnya, who suffered the most from the presence of the Russian army.
It was said a long time ago that I was offered an apartment in Moscow. Speculation around this topic was a useless farce of the Russian leadership, just as some newly emerged “patriots” among the Chechens could be accused of treason, who even today cannot understand and evaluate my actions as Chairman of the Constitutional Court of the Republic Chechen. But that’s another topic!
The Budennovsk crisis allowed the Chechen government to conclude a truce which proved useful in winning the war. However, it has cast a shadow of terror on the resistance. How do you think Budennovsk changed the history of independent Chechnya?
Today the whole world has known the face of the Russian Empire and has finally understood that the war of the aggressor, launched against our republic, was the beginning of perfidy and contempt for all norms and principles of international law, so as well as its obligations to the world community. The Budennovsk events forced the Russian leadership to sit down at the negotiating table, and this saved tens of thousands of lives, both on the territory of our republic and in Russia itself.
As for the “shadow of terror”, state terror was declared against the Chechen people by Russia, exclusively on a national basis, and has not stopped to this day, even though the peace treaty with the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria was signed a long time ago! So who is guilty of terrorism? Who is the terrorist?
Thank God the European community has already declared Russia a sponsor of terrorism. This is mine answer at the your last question !
Text of the agreement drawn up by Gerikhanov.
The document, translated for us by Inna Kurochkina, says:
Agreed text for the time 10 hours 40 minutes 18.06.95.
On the release of the hostages, the city of Budyonnovsk.
Commitment:
-On the part of the Government of the Russian Federation represented by the Prime Minister
V.S. Chernomyrdin:
Immediately stop hostilities and bombardments of the territory of Chechnya.
All other issues, including the disengagement of troops, should be resolved exclusively by personal means on the basis of the negotiation process.
The person authorized to negotiate with the Chechen side is Usman Imaev.
-From Shamil Basayev:
Release of hostages, with the exception of the security assurance team.
Time of completion:
Statement by Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation Chernomyrdin.
The release of the hostages in the amount of one hundred people Sh. Basaev immediately after the speech of Viktor Chernomyrdin.
The rest, with the exception of the security guarantee group, are released during the time for the security of the departure of Sh. Basayev’s group.
18.06.95
10 hours 03 minutes
Signatures:
Viktor Stepanivich Chernomyrdin
Shamil Basaev
From the Government of the Russian Federation on behalf of Viktor Chernomyrdin: Head of
the Delegation Sergey Kovalev
From the Administration of the Stavropol Kraj Member of the delegation Sergey Popov
Deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation Yuliy Rybakov
From the side of the Chechen diaspora Khangoshvili Dzhabrail
Federation Council Deputy Viktor Kurochkin
Assistant to Kovalev Oleg Orlov “Memorial”
Amendments to the first document
The document, translated for us by Inna Kurochkina, says:
Additional agreements to the text of the Agreement dated June 18, 1995.
The delegation of the Russian Federation and Shamil Basayev’s group agreed on the following:
All questions of a political settlement, including the question of the status of the Republic of Chechnya, its relations with the federal authorities of the Russian Federation, and the republics of the Russian Federation, and other issues, should be resolved exclusively by peaceful means, on the basis of international legal acts, legislation and agreements reached in the negotiations.
This procedure should be the subject of consideration by authorized officials of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and representatives of the Government and the Federal Assembly of
the Russian Federation.
18.06.95
11 hours 03 minutes
Signatures
Shamil Basaev
From the side of the Chechen diaspora Khangoshvili Dzhabrail
From the delegation of the Russian Federation:
Sergey Kovalev
Juliy Rybakov (Deputy of the State Duma)
Viktor Kurochkin (Member of the Federal Assembly)
Oleg Orlov (“Memorial”)
From the Administration of the Stavropol Kraj Sergey Popov
The flag is not just a colored rag: it is the spiritual synthesis of a people’s identity. This is more than ever true when it comes to the flag of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Every Chechen who yearns for independence carries its colors in his memory, and gets excited every time he sees them. In the green cloth marked with red and white he finds the pride of a free nation, the tragedy of the blood shed by his brothers and the promise of a future redemption.
An informant who requested to remain anonymous has brought us some fascinating stories about the tricolor of Ichkeria, which we make available to our readers.
The official flag of Chechen Republic of Ichkeria
A flag at the market
September 6 , 1995. That day a major anti-war demonstration was scheduled in Grozny. At that time, a “filtration camp” was located in Neftyanka where prisoners from all over the republic were deported. Here they were tortured and if they survived, often set free for a ransom, they remained bent in body and spirit for the rest of their short lives.
In front of the camp there was a market teeming with people, organized for the military, the only ones who had money to make purchases. On the other side of the road, the armored vehicles on which the camp inmates were transported were stationed. Above them sat bored soldiers, swollen with beer bought at the market, waiting for a new “crop” of prisoners, victims of this terrible conveyor belt of death. Suddenly from a crossroads came a Zhiguli . The car parked between the market and the armored vehicle parking lot. A passenger came out of the car carrying a large ChRI flag, and began tying it to the door.
Panic immediately broke out: the sellers fled, spilling the goods, the soldiers suddenly awoke from their torpor, locking themselves inside their vehicles. The passenger of the Zhiguli , without flinching, finished arranging his flag, got into the car and slammed the door behind him. After that he set off again in complete tranquillity. It was enough for a patriot to display the flag of the Chechen Republic, with the wolf guarding it, to unleash panic among the Russian military. They had seen what miracles the Chechens had performed under this banner, defending their land from invaders.
The flag on the wall of the Council of Ministers, 1992
The flag on the crane
During the war, someone hoisted a large ChRI flag on a tall construction crane at the “new stop” in Staropromyslvsky district . The occupation authorities, noticing her, demanded that she be seized. However, they could not find anyone willing to ride the crane, not even for a reward. There were rumors that somewhere there was a sniper guarding the flag, who would electrocute anyone who approached the flag. Thus, the tricolor of Ichkeria continued to fly on the crane until August 1996, when the Chechens liberated Grozny and victoriously ended the war.
The flag of the Presidential Palace
ChRI’s most famous flag was the one that flew from the Presidential Palace. In times of peace, citizens could see this great banner waving in the sky. During the first war this was impetuously bombed and, after two anti-bunker bombs managed to penetrate up to the basement of the structure, it was necessary to evacuate it to avoid a massacre. The Palace gave shelter to hundreds of people (up to 800) and the bombings had so deeply affected the structure that its defenders, and the wounded, risked ending up buried under the rubble. So it was decided to abandon it: not before, however, having removed the flag from the mast to save it. Under a massive barrage a patrol ventured onto the roof of the palace, removed the flag and took care of it, preventing it from falling into the hands of the Russians, who would no doubt display it as a trophy. It seems that the national flag is still preserved and protected waiting to be able to wave again for a free Chechnya.
A boy waves the flag of Ichkeria in the ruins of Grozny
Bamut’s flag
One of the most legendary and iconic places of the First Russo-Chechen War is undoubtedly the Bamut fortress. Here the Chechens resisted the attacks of the Russian army for many months, enduring a terrible siege. One day, after yet another bombardment, the defenders realized that there was not a single building left intact enough to hang the flag. It was then decided to hoist it on the village water tower. The Russians, who evidently feared that that flag alone would prevent them from advancing, fired artillery at the tower until it collapsed to the ground, taking the flag with it. It was evident that the Russians were so afraid of the Chechen cloth that they were unwilling to fight under it. The defenders then decided to hang the flag from the tallest mast, so that it would continue to instill fear in the enemy.
Ichkeria Digital Archive 