Archivi tag: Independence

“I am grateful to the fate that made me meet the Chechens!” Francesco Benedetti interviews Alla Dudaeva

Alla Fyodorovna Dudayeva is the widow of the first President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Dudaev’s life partner, she lived with him until his assassination, which occurred on April 21, 1996 by the Russian army. Despite being of Russian origin, Alla Dudaeva linked her personal destiny to the cause of Chechen independence, continuing after her husband’s death to plead the reasons for a free Chechnya. Among her qualities, her passion for drawing certainly stands out. For this reason, in addition to her words, we have collected and published, with her permission, her pictorial works. What follows, therefore, is a double story, in words and images: the story of a wife, a mother, an artist, a political activist, a woman united with Chechnya by love and destiny.

“Golden Ichkeria” – 1989

The death of Dzhokhar Dudayev has deprived the Chechens of both a human and a political point of reference. From your point of view, this may be even more true: has the loss of a person so important to you as a life partner, as a mother, and at the same time as a supporter of a free Chechnya, changed your existential point of view?

The entire Chechen people wept when they learned of Dzhokhar’s death, as well as the Muslim world. But not only Muslims: the whole world appreciated Dzhokhar’s life and work, the Chechen people’s resistance to Russian aggression, and dedicated dozens of streets, squares and cities in different countries to him. Dzhokhar showed how to “take cities” and in 3 days (March 7,8,9) the capital of Ichkeria was taken by Chechens. Russian military units and bases were surrounded, but the Chechens did not shoot at the Russians so that the planes could not bomb the attackers. This ingenious plan was conceived by Dzhokhar, and when journalists asked him “why did you leave Grozny?” He replied “We have shown the whole world how to take cities!” In exactly the same way, the invaders were surrounded three months after the death of Dzhokhar on August 6, 1996. It was called: “dying, embracing the enemy.” And it happened only thanks to the unparalleled courage and courage of the Chechen people. For the first time in the world, a small Chechen people defeated the huge Russian empire of evil and violence, which the whole world has been afraid of for decades!

And the people called it a miracle! This victory gave hope to all occupied peoples for their future liberation and breathed new strength into those who bowed and surrendered! A nation is invincible when it fights on its own land for its freedom, if it has such a leader! When the president and the people are one, they are invincible!

“Dzhokhar Dudaev” 1989

Has his death changed anything in you regarding the care of your family and regarding the idea of an independent Chechnya?

After the death of Dzhokhar, nothing has changed in me in relation to our family or in relation to the idea of the independence of Ichkeria. But my personal feeling changed, I could not imagine myself without Dzhokhar, it was as if I was unexpectedly hit in the chest. Then we were secretly taken to the second home of a brave and wise man, Dayan, and I sat by his body for three days. Dayan asked me not to mention that Dzhokhar was dead when I was at her house for dinner. He asked me to say that there was one wounded, but not that it was Dzhokhar. “My wife Leila” he said “She couldn’t bear it. He has a weak heart. No need to mourn it in front of them, there would be such a noise that everyone in the village would understand immediately. Instead we have to hide. After her words, I understood that there were still those who loved Dzhokhar, albeit weaker than me in health. And I learned to hide, even as my heart was torn apart by pain. Therefore, when it was necessary to declare Dzhokhar’s death on April 24 in front of journalists from all over the world, I learned to hide my tears and did not cry, I thought about hundreds of sick old women like Leila, what would happen to them when they heard the sad news. And about our enemies, how they would rejoice at Dzhokhar’s death … That’s why I decided to leave the doubt, to Dzhokhar’s enemies who feared him, that he might return.

That very night we snuck him out and buried him. And I witnessed such miracles, when Dzhokhar was raised and carried to the cemetery, that it seemed to me that I had new strength. We left at three in the morning. When we arrived at the cemetery it was still dark which was scary. There was a wall of fog. While the grave was being dug, I sat next to Dzhokhar’s body, behind the fence. And when they came for him and brought him, suddenly the fog cleared, pink-gold rays of the sun appeared, under which everything around shone. And in the blue sky above his grave, flocks of birds were circling, as if they had come to greet or meet him. And they sang!!! Most likely, the Almighty himself met him! I understood that Dzhokhar would not be in the grave, his soul was immediately taken to heaven!

When the Chechen people gathered all their strength and managed to defeat the huge Russian empire, many believed that Dzhokhar was alive and would certainly return. But our enemies have claimed that Dzhokhar, a symbol of independence, fled, leaving his people behind. And then I had to refute these dirty rumors and we made a documentary about the place of his death. In it, I detailed where he was, when it happened and from which side two rockets came, one after the other. The military prosecutor, Magomed Zhaniev, and our former representative in Moscow, Khamad Kurbanov, they died with him. They were immediately taken away by relatives and buried the next day. But many Chechens still didn’t believe me and so I had to write the book “Million First” which became a documentary about the birth, childhood, life and death of Dzhokhar Dudayev .

It was first published in Baku in 2002. Then in six other countries in different languages. By the way, immediately after the book was published, a video was mounted in Chechnya, someone spoke in my voice against the background of my photograph. “I apologize to the Chechen people, I am getting married. I searched for a long time and finally found someone similar to Dzhokhar, only the mustache is different.” This was done intentionally so that my book would not be believed, and some still think that I again married Dzhokhar, who in reality was allegedly wounded, secretly taken out of Chechnya, and then healed. Only many years later the Chechen people finally convinced themselves and stopped waiting for Dzhokhar.

“The immortal city of Grozny” 1995

After the liberation of Grozny in August, Chechnya found itself free, but in constant danger. From April 1996 to February 1997, Dzhokhar’s inheritance passed to Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. He was an old friend of your husband’s. What do you remember about him? What kind of person was he?

Zelimkhan Yandarbiev was a poet and leader of the Vainakh Democratic Party , one of the pioneers of Chechen People’s Freedom. He visited us in Tartu, Estonia and invited Dzhokhar to the first Congress. Dzhokhar made such a brilliant speech that he was elected chairman of the Chechen People’s Executive Committee. Zelimkhan was always next to Dzhokhar and supported him in everything. He was distinguished by great courage and loyalty to the idea of independence, and therefore Dzhokhar, after a series of unsuccessful attempts on his life, instructed him to replace him as president of the CRI in the event of his death. Zelimkhan’s courage can be judged by the famous video in which he did not surrender to President Yeltsin during peace talks in the Kremlin. And he insisted that he move to the place assigned to him, opposite Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. Because the war of 1994-1996 was with the Russian aggressor, who started the war with independent Ichkeria. This was not the “internal conflict” that the Russian media were talking about. And it was not about “restoring constitutional order on the territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria”, but about a full-scale war, during which the capital was burned to the ground by Russian bombs, the entire Chechen land was burned and mined ! Zelimkhan in 1997 held the election of a new president of the CRI, although he could have continued to hold office, but he wanted the Chechen people to choose their own president. Although then some blamed him for it. He has always been on the side of legality and democracy.

“Lost World” 1992

After the 1997 elections, the post of president of the republic passed to Aslan Maskhadov. What was your opinion of him? And how did this opinion change during your political tenure before the second Russian invasion?

Aslan Maskhadov inherited a country destroyed by the Russian-Chechen war and thousands wounded, tens of thousands of people without means of subsistence. Dzhokhar Dudayev forbade taking a ransom for captured Russians. But, immediately after his death on April 21, already in May, the oligarch Berezovsky bought out the Russian journalist Elena Masyuk from Chechen captivity for two million dollars. They returned her to the United States, and Bill Clinton, a friend of Yeltsin, solemnly awarded her a massive gold chain on her chest. All this was shown on television and marked the beginning of the hostage trade conducted by the FSK. They often took hostages from the families of wealthy businessmen to the border of the CRI and handed them over to the Chechens, and then divided the ransom through intermediaries, the main one being Berezovsky. The authorities could do nothing about the rampant crimes of the Russian special services. They killed 8 people from the International Red Cross, blaming the Chechens. And they cut off the heads of three foreigners who allegedly provided the republic with telephone communications with the whole world. They tried to show the Chechens as criminals and bandits to the whole world. In 1999, on Putin’s orders, they blew up two houses in Moscow and one in Volgodonsk, accused the Chechens of this crime and started the second Russo-Chechen war. The fate of Aslan Maskhadov was tragic, but he honorably fulfilled his duty and died as a result of a long guerrilla war. I think it was easier for him to live in a tent and fight in the forest alongside his faithful comrades than during his presidency.

“Allah Akhbar!” 1995

The main accusation leveled against Ichkeria between 1996 and 1999 is that it became an Islamic state and abandoned the path started by the 1992 Constitution and which Dzhokhar intended to maintain. What do you think about this topic?

Ichkeria hasn’t become an Islamic state over the years because it was ruled by President Aslan Maskhadov and had a parliament, but Foreign Minister Movladi Udugov created a two-story so-called “Wahhabi” center in the city of Grozny with security and behind a wall. People from Saudi Arabia came to him, who presented themselves to the Chechen people as the most correct Muslims. They stopped cars on the street and checked people’s IDs to see if relatives or women were traveling with unfamiliar men. To then punish them with whips, as well as for drunkenness. Udugov tried to install his emirs in each village to create parallel systems of state administration. In Urus-Martan, the only village not destroyed by bombing because its inhabitants did not take part in the resistance to Russian troops in the first Russo-Chechen war, a “Wahhabi” center was organized and hijabs were brought for women. In addition, small booklets with extracts from the Koran were brought, published in Moscow. There was a Jamaat school in Baku, where our wounded were taken in, and they were taught to pray differently, but they didn’t leave to react. They were subsidized by Moscow. But, I repeat, from 1992 to 1999, Ichkeria did not become an Islamic state and retained its constitution. Much later, already during the partisan war phase, in 2002, Aslan Maskhadov made a statement and changed the constitution by introducing an Islamic one, but only the parliament has the right to make such legislative decisions if there is a quorum and the modification of the constitution by all the people during a referendum.

“Highlander Amatsi” 2002

After Maskhadov’s death, Abdul- Khalim Sadulayev became the successor to the leadership of independent Ichkeria. He stated:

“With the beginning of the Second War, work continued on the drafting of the Constitution in full accordance with the norms of Islam, […] And now article 1 of the Constitution of the CRI accounting: “The Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is a sovereign and independent Islamic state of law, created as a result of the self-determination of the Chechen people. The sources of all decisions are the Koran and the Sunnah.” Thus, we have come to the logical conclusion of the legal reforms initiated by Dzhokhar Dudayev . Do you think these arguments are correct? What do you think about Sadulaev ?

Indeed, Abdul- Khalim Saidulaev , appointed by Maskhadov in case of his death, became Aslan Maskhadov’s successor. But, like Aslan Maskhadov, he was a partisan in the forest and did not have a parliament to change the constitution. Only the parliament has the ability to engage in legislative activities, and only the people have the right to decide such important issues as changing the constitution during a referendum on this issue. The president has the right only to sign the laws passed by the parliament or the decisions of the people during a referendum.

“Free Ichkeria” 2005

Do you think the Chechen diaspora in Europe and the West as a whole will be able to influence governments to intervene decisively in the rebirth of an independent Chechnya? What actions, in your opinion, should be taken by its representatives?

There are now 160,000 Russian troops in Ichkeria. As soon as the changes in Russia begin, the Russian troops left in a foreign country, surrounded by a foreign people, will slowly leave by themselves. Just as Kadyrov and his accomplices will run away, fearing a feud. Our activities, like all past years, took place in the information struggle with those who want to take advantage of the seizure of power in the republic to declare Sharia and themselves at the head of Sharia without the democratic choice of the people in accordance with our constitution. We are the only legitimate authority, the Presidium and its members have never proclaimed themselves illegal “prime ministers” or cabinet presidents. We were approved in our offices by the last president and we have continued our work. And we exist to organize democratic elections for new leaders who will undoubtedly appear among the Chechen people in the course of all these events. We must ensure the continuity of democratic power of the people. Only the people have the right to elect a leader and other structures. In recent years, many educated young Chechens have grown up, who studied at the best universities in Europe. Surely the most active of them will show up and be ready, on a competitive basis, not only to lead the republic, but also the cabinet of ministers.

“Wind of change” 2017

You, of Russian origin, could be represented, if you will allow me an analogy, as a tree with Russian roots and Chechen branches. How do you experience the relationship between these two identities, even after all that has happened?

I am very sorry that the Kremlin has started a war of annihilation with such an amazing people as the Chechens. In the first Russo-Chechen war, at the invitation of the government of Ichkeria, 250 Russian mothers came to Nazran for their captured sons, eighteen-year-old conscripts scattered throughout the republic, finding and taking their sons away from Chechen commanders. This went down in world history, for the first time such a small nation took pity on an army of conquerors and returned the captives without any ransom to their mothers. But, now, almost everyone who opposed the Russian Empire’s aggressive wars has either left Russia or been killed. The Russian people have changed and their army has turned into an army of looters and bandits. However, Russian generals are now taking criminals out of prisons and sending them to fight in Ukraine. And Russia itself evokes completely different feelings among all the peoples of our world. Therefore, everyone is waiting for this last empire of evil and violence to collapse and for its colonial peoples to free themselves and finally become masters of their own land and destiny. And I hope that with the help of Western countries, this will happen much faster than it could be with the Chechen people, who had almost no weapons to defend themselves, most of the machine guns were stolen from the Russian occupiers themselves. And yet he didn’t give up and led the resistance for decades. There were not even a million Chechens, now there are 46 million Ukrainians, and the whole world helps them with weapons and condemnation of Russia’s aggression.

During the war in Chechnya Western politicians declared non-interference in Russia’s internal affairs. Dzhokhar warned that the time might come when the West itself would become Russia’s internal affair. Lo and behold, this moment has come, his words have come true, and they finally woke up! Now Russia is recognized by the West as a terrorist state, although I would call it a terrorist state on an international scale! Because in addition to wars of conquest, it destroys all those who oppose it around the world: Alexander Litvinenko in London, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev in Qatar, Turkey, Austria, Germany, France… it is difficult to list all those killed by name and name the methods of their murder. The Russian government has to answer for its crimes in the same way as Nazi Germany did when the Nuremberg trials took place. Russia is waiting for Nuremberg 2. And I really hope that we will all witness this momentous event and the Russian Empire will sink into oblivion.

“I’ll never forget you” 1989

How did you live, as mother and wife of the late first president, between the first and second wars? I deliberately ask this question in a very general way. Then you can talk about whatever aspect or experience is most important to you.

Between the wars I lived, like most Chechens, in the belief that there would be no more war. People have restored destroyed houses, planted trees and gardens. Life went on. My kids were there and they too thought all the bad stuff was over. After the outbreak of the second war, when the Chechen people were undeservedly accused of blowing up houses in Moscow, everyone understood that this war would become revanchist. And Moscow’s revenge for the victory of the Chechen people in 1996. I had to leave Ichkeria and move to Ingushetia, then to Georgia, to Baku and, finally, to Istanbul. Our family, like many other Chechens, was forced into exile. Throughout Ichkeria, like mushrooms, Russian filtration fields multiplied, they became more than fifty. They were even in Stavropol, Minvody , Pyatigorsk . In them, tens of thousands of Chechens were tortured and killed. Some of the dying or corpses were sold to relatives for burial. It was a terrible time! The Chechen people paid for their desire to be free with their blood! But, in his soul, he has always remained unconquered, because from time immemorial he welcomed all those who entered his house saying: “be free”! And to this day this greeting remains in effect. I am grateful to fate for giving me the opportunity to get to know this proud and humane people, their customs and traditions. A people who would be admired and taken as an example by humanity if they knew it! And I thank Allah for giving me the opportunity to witness so many miracles that I would never have believed if I hadn’t seen them myself. The Chechen people are busy now, but this is only temporary, they have a bright future ahead of them, and new names and new heroes will certainly appear, about which we still do not know anything. After all, no country in the world has as many enthusiasts as the Chechens. People ready to give their lives for the freedom of the people!

“Today we are a free nation!” Dudayev’s speech to the nation (December 31, 1993)

Another year of our life fades into the past, a year of great tests of the Chechen people’s endurance and steadfastness in defense of their won freedom. This year we celebrated the second anniversary of our bloodless revolution and independence. Having passed all the tests with dignity in the fight against internal and external enemies, we entered the third year, more stabilizing the political and economic situation, spiritually and morally strengthening, becoming more confident in an independent path of development of our statehood.

Looking back, summing up another year, we can say without a doubt that it was not in vain to strive for political independence. Our centuries-old history tells us that only political freedom and independence from anyone else is the guarantor of the peaceful life and prosperity of the nation. The vilest of all phenomena in the history of mankind is slavery and humility, against which our ancestors fought for centuries and bequeathed to their offspring not to abandon the freedom-loving spirit of the Vaynakh people.

We are well aware of the repeated attempts to destroy the gene pool of the Vaynakh nation under the Tsarist and then the Soviet-Communist empire. After centuries of persecutions and tragedies of the 19th century, 1944-1957, after the bloody massacre of Khaibach and after the hundreds of thousands of victims of the Soviet genocide, the Chechen people has nevertheless recovered, revived, preserving their national dignity, language and culture, although the Soviet totalitarian regime did everything to suppress his spirit, intimidate him and keep him in constant fear. The current generation skillfully uses the historical opportunity that has come their way to fulfill the dreams and aspirations of their ancestors.

The events that occurred after the collapse of the Soviet empire also show that sovereignty and independence are the only correct path chosen by the Chechen people. The intentions of the GKChP (if this coup succeeded) to repeat the 1944 public broadcast on television about the attack on our own parliament by large-caliber guns gives us another reason to reflect on whether we have done well, when we have decided two years ago to separate us from fascist Russia where it is not the laws that rule, but the attempts of each political group at the top of power, under the guise of a new “democracy”, to consolidate racism and fascism. For two years we have resisted a global blockade by the Russian authorities, their military invasion, internal confrontation of all kinds: sabotage, provocations, espionage. The whole world watches us with admiration. We are in his eyes an example and a model of courage, fortitude and love of freedom. And this spirit will never dry up among the Chechens. Yes, it’s hard for us. We have suffered setbacks, difficulties related to power structures that have not yet taken shape, lack of discipline, lack of organization, internal confrontation between destructive forces, criminal groups and mafias.

Many see only negative aspects in what is happening in Chechnya; disintegration, destruction, extremism, nationalism, etc. All this is actually a fiction. Is life easier in the CIS countries? Do those republics that have not separated from Russia feel calmer? Let’s remember the fate of our Ingush brothers, let’s look at what is happening in the neighboring republics and in Russia itself. There is an endless crisis: political, economic. The collapse of the economy, the impoverishment of a significant part of the population, rising prices, corruption and street crime, terrorism, the outflow of qualified personnel abroad. All branches of power are degrading, none of them are ready to cooperate with each other, none of them control the situation in the country. And with all this, seeing only our failures is, to put it mildly, simply not serious.

Despite all the obstacles posed, many positive steps were taken during the two years of independence to improve the political and economic situation of the republic. The people have breathed deeply for centuries the desired freedom. Fear and hypocrisy are gone forever. Many laws and resolutions have been passed to help stabilize the situation in Chechnya. Many practical steps are being taken to implement the government’s foreign and domestic policy agenda. Clear guidelines were outlined for the further development of the economy, for bringing the republic out of the crisis. We have no problem choosing the way to overcome the crisis. This path is clearly defined. The problem is only in our unity and harmony.

The stage of independent development has arrived, the main task of which is production and economic transformations, in which important structural and investment changes are expected to ensure the necessary market balance: rational use of our oil; urgent restructuring of all oil refineries to ensure a significant increase in oil refining, their technological re-equipment; solve the problem of creating new machine-building industries; make the rich reserves of raw materials productive for the production of building materials, use the enormous reserves of mountain fodder (for the production of livestock products), the development of which will allow to maintain 200 thousand heads of cattle and one million heads of sheep . Much attention will be paid to the construction of roads, residential buildings and stables, the laying of power and communication lines. A state program has been developed to improve soil fertility in the republic. The reconstruction and creation of enterprises for the processing of agricultural products, the introduction of technologies and the importation of equipment, the creation of a tourist and health complex are envisaged.

The chronic insolvability of many economic and social issues arouses feelings of dissatisfaction and pessimism in the population. This is a natural phenomenon and there is nothing to worry about. We have chosen a difficult road to freedom and we have no right to interrupt it. In the memory of the Chechen people, from generation to generation, the words spoken by their ancestors more than a hundred years ago are tenaciously preserved: “We plead guilty only before God and the Chechen people for not being able to restore the freedom granted to us by God”. And now the current generation of Chechens has managed to restore this freedom, to fulfill the precepts of their ancestors. And he’s determined to defend it until the end of his life, whatever the cost. These temporary hardships that have developed for all peoples on the territory of the former Soviet Empire are nothing compared to the shame and humiliation that the Chechen people have experienced for decades: sabotage of local authorities, violations of all kinds, policy of cruel staff that has provoked periodic protests, demonstrations demanding that the Ingush and Chechen be evicted again; refusal to hire Chechens to work in industrial enterprises and objects of strategic importance, in administrative bodies, prohibition of celebrating national and religious holidays; persecution and pressure on the intelligentsia; Gradual annihilation of the mother tongue in daily life; ban on studying the real history of the Vaynakhs. Here is a far from complete list of phenomena that have dishonored and humiliated this people.

Our goal of freedom and independence has been achieved. This should be appreciated and we should be proud of it. We are now building a sovereign democratic state based on the rule of law. There is no doubt that we will be able to accomplish this task too: unlike the Russian “democratic” state, where representatives of Caucasian nationalities are persecuted at every step, Chechens are terrorized, shot, deported from their homes, the authorities of the Chechen Republic will never allow anyone the slightest violation of the rights of a single person, no matter what nation he belongs to and no matter what god he prays to. All peoples inhabiting the republic are equal and worthy of respect and a better life.

The Chechen people have nothing to complain about or regret the previous regime, which left them with the highest infant mortality, unhealthiness and environmental pollution, the lowest life expectancy and the lowest standard of living. We don’t ask anyone for help. We ask and demand not to be disturbed.


Our people are optimistic about their future, despite the intrigues of external and internal opponents against our sovereignty. We believe that sooner or later reason and wisdom will prevail in Russian leadership circles. We believe that the state flag of the Chechen Republic, which flies in front of the headquarters of the Unrepresented Peoples Organization, will soon be hoisted in front of the UN headquarters. We believe that PEACE, HEALTH and PROSPERITY will reign in long-suffering Chechnya. The Chechen state already has not only a history, but also a more real future. Vitality and strength, the ability to create and live with reason and talent – we confirmed ourselves in the most difficult tests of strength, building our state in the “mouth of a boa constrictor”.

Today we can proudly say that the desecrated honor has been restored and from yesterday’s homeless population, in the times of the USSR, today we are a free NATION.



Dzhokhar DUDAEV.


“Oggi siamo una nazione libera!” Il Discorso di Dudaev alla nazione (31/12/1993)

Un altro anno della nostra vita sta svanendo nel passato, un anno di grandi prove di resistenza e fermezza del popolo ceceno in difesa della libertà conquistata. Quest’anno abbiamo celebrato il secondo anniversario della nostra rivoluzione e indipendenza senza sangue. Avendo resistito con dignità a tutte le prove nella lotta contro i nemici interni ed esterni, siamo entrati nel terzo anno, stabilizzando maggiormente la situazione politica ed economica, rafforzando spiritualmente e moralmente, diventando più fiduciosi su un percorso indipendente di sviluppo della nostra statualità.

Guardando indietro, riassumendo un altro anno, possiamo affermare senza ombra di dubbio che non è stato vano aspirare all’indipendenza politica. La nostra storia secolare ci dice che solo la libertà politica e l’indipendenza da chiunque altro è garante della vita pacifica e della prosperità della nazione. Il più vile di tutti i fenomeni nella storia dell’umanità è la schiavitù e l’umiltà, contro le quali i nostri antenati hanno combattuto per secoli e hanno lasciato in eredità alla loro progenie di non abbandonare lo spirito amante della libertà del popolo Vaynakh.

Siamo ben consapevoli dei ripetuti tentativi di distruggere il patrimonio genetico della nazione Vaynakh sotto l’impero zarista e poi sovietico-comunista. Dopo secoli di persecuzioni e tragedie del XIX secolo, 1944-1957, dopo il sanguinoso massacro di Khaibach e dopo le centinaia di migliaia di vittime del genocidio sovietico, il popolo ceceno si è comunque risollevato, ravvivato, conservando la propria dignità nazionale, lingua e cultura, sebbene il regime totalitario sovietico abbia fatto di tutto per sopprimere il suo spirito, intimidirlo e tenerlo in costante paura. L’attuale generazione usa abilmente l’occasione storica che le è capitata per realizzare i sogni e le aspirazioni dei suoi antenati.

Gli eventi occorsi dopo il crollo dell’impero sovietico mostrano anche che la sovranità e l’indipendenza sono l’unica strada corretta scelta dal popolo ceceno. Le intenzioni del GKChP (se questo colpo di stato fosse riuscito) di ripetere il 1944, la trasmissione pubblica in televisione riguardo l’attacco al nostro stesso parlamento da cannoni di grosso calibro ci danno un altro motivo per riflettere se abbiamo fatto bene, quando abbiamo deciso due anni fa di separarci dalla Russia fascista dove non comandano le leggi, ma i tentativi di ogni gruppo politico che si trova al vertice del potere, sotto le spoglie di una nuova “democrazia”, di consolidare razzismo e fascismo. Per due anni abbiamo resistito a un blocco globale da parte delle autorità russe, alla loro invasione militare, al confronto interno di ogni genere: sabotaggio, provocazioni, spionaggio. Il mondo intero ci guarda con ammirazione. Siamo ai suoi occhi un esempio e un modello di coraggio, fortezza e amore per la libertà. E questo spirito non si inaridirà mai tra i ceceni.Sì, è difficile per noi. Abbiamo subito battute d’arresto, difficoltà legate a strutture di potere che non hanno ancora preso forma, mancanza di disciplina, mancanza di organizzazione, confronto interno tra forze distruttive, gruppi criminali e mafiosi.

Molti vedono solo aspetti negativi in ​​ciò che sta accadendo in Cecenia; disintegrazione, distruzione, estremismo, nazionalismo, ecc. Tutto questo è in realtà una finzione. La vita è forse più facile nei paesi della CSI? Quelle repubbliche che non si sono separate dalla Russia si sentono più tranquille? Ricordiamo il destino dei nostri fratelli ingusci, guardiamo cosa sta succedendo nelle repubbliche vicine e nella stessa Russia. C’è una crisi senza fine: politica, economica. Il collasso dell’economia, l’impoverimento di una parte significativa della popolazione, l’aumento dei prezzi, la corruzione e la criminalità di strada, il terrorismo, il deflusso di personale qualificato all’estero. Tutti i rami del potere si stanno degradando, nessuno di essi è pronto a collaborare con gli altri, nessuno di loro controlla la situazione nel Paese. E con tutto questo, vedere solo i nostri fallimenti è, per usare un eufemismo, semplicemente non serio.

Nonostante tutti gli ostacoli posti, durante i due anni di indipendenza sono stati fatti molti passi positivi per migliorare la situazione politica ed economica della repubblica. Il popolo ha respirato a pieni polmoni per secoli la libertà desiderata. La paura e l’ipocrisia sono sparite per sempre. Molte leggi e risoluzioni sono state adottate per aiutare a stabilizzare la situazione in Cecenia. Si stanno compiendo molti passi pratici per attuare il programma di politica estera e interna del governo. Sono state delineate chiare linee guida per l’ulteriore sviluppo dell’economia, per far uscire la repubblica dalla crisi. Non abbiamo problemi a scegliere il modo per superare la crisi. Questo percorso è chiaramente definito. Il problema è solo nella nostra unità e armonia.

È arrivata la fase dello sviluppo indipendente, il cui compito principale è la produzione e le trasformazioni economiche, in cui sono attesi importanti cambiamenti strutturali e di investimenti per garantire il necessario equilibrio del mercato: uso razionale del nostro petrolio; ristrutturazione urgente di tutte le raffinerie di petrolio per garantire un significativo aumento della raffinazione del petrolio, il loro riequipaggiamento tecnologico; risolvere il problema della creazione di nuove industrie per la costruzione di macchinari; rendere produttive le ricche riserve di materie prime per la produzione di materiali da costruzione, utilizzare le enormi riserve di foraggi di montagna (per la produzione di prodotti zootecnici), il cui sviluppo consentirà di mantenere 200mila capi di bestiame e un milione di capi di pecore. Molta attenzione sarà dedicata alla realizzazione di strade, edifici residenziali e stalle, alla posa di linee elettriche e di comunicazione. È stato sviluppato un programma statale per migliorare la fertilità del suolo nella repubblica. Sono previste la ricostruzione e la realizzazione di imprese per la lavorazione dei prodotti agricoli, l’introduzione di tecnologie e l’importazione di attrezzature, la creazione di un complesso turistico e sanitario.

L’irrisolvibilità cronica di molte questioni economiche e sociali suscita nella popolazione sentimenti di insoddisfazione e pessimismo. Questo è un fenomeno naturale e non c’è nulla di cui preoccuparsi. Abbiamo scelto una strada difficile verso la libertà e non abbiamo il diritto di interromperla. Nella memoria del popolo ceceno, di generazione in generazione, si conservano tenacemente le parole pronunciate dai loro antenati più di cento anni fa: «Ci dichiariamo colpevoli solo davanti a Dio e al popolo ceceno per non aver saputo restituire la libertà concessaci da Dio”. E ora l’attuale generazione di ceceni è riuscita a ripristinare questa libertà, ad adempiere ai precetti dei loro antenati. Ed è determinato a difenderlo fino alla fine della sua vita, a qualunque costo. Queste difficoltà temporanee che si sono sviluppate per tutti i popoli sul territorio dell’ex impero sovietico non sono nulla in confronto alla vergogna e all’umiliazione che il popolo ceceno ha vissuto per decenni: sabotaggio delle autorità locali, violazioni di ogni tipo, politica del personale crudele che ha provocato proteste periodiche, manifestazioni nelle quali si è chiesto che ingusci e ceceni fossero sfrattati di nuovo; rifiuto di assumere ceceni per lavorare presso imprese industriali e oggetti di importanza strategica, negli organi amministrativi, divieto di celebrare feste nazionali e religiose; persecuzione e pressioni sull’’intellighenzia; Annientamento graduale della lingua madre nella vita quotidiana; divieto di studiare la vera storia dei Vaynakh. Ecco un elenco tutt’altro che completo di fenomeni che hanno disonorato e umiliato questo popolo.

Il nostro obiettivo di libertà e indipendenza è stato raggiunto. Questo dovrebbe essere apprezzato e di questo dovremmo essere orgogliosi. Ora stiamo costruendo uno stato democratico sovrano e di diritto. Non c’è dubbio che saremo in grado di portare a termine anche questo compito: a differenza dello Stato “democratico” russo, dove i rappresentanti delle nazionalità caucasiche sono perseguitati a ogni passo, i ceceni sono terrorizzati, fucilati, deportati dalle loro case, le autorità della Repubblica cecena non permetteranno mai a nessuno la minima violazione dei diritti di una singola persona, non importa a quale nazione appartenga e non importa quale dio preghi. Tutti i popoli che abitano la repubblica sono uguali e degni di rispetto e di una vita migliore.

Il popolo ceceno non ha nulla di cui lamentarsi o rimpiangere il precedente regime, il quale ha lasciato loro la più alta mortalità infantile, insalubrità e inquinamento ambientale, la più bassa aspettativa di vita e il più basso tenore di vita. Non chiediamo aiuto a nessuno. Chiediamo ed esigiamo di non essere disturbati.


Il nostro popolo è ottimista riguardo al proprio futuro, nonostante gli intrighi degli oppositori esterni e interni contro la nostra sovranità. Crediamo che prima o poi la ragione e la saggezza prevarranno nei circoli della leadership russa. Crediamo che la bandiera di stato della Repubblica Cecena, che sventola davanti alla sede dell’Organizzazione dei Popoli Non Rappresentati, sarà presto issata davanti alla sede delle Nazioni Unite. Crediamo che PACE, SALUTE e PROSPERITÀ regneranno nella longanime Cecenia. Lo Stato ceceno ha già non solo una storia, ma anche un futuro più reale. Vitalità e forza, capacità di creare e vivere con ragione e talento: ci siamo confermati nelle più difficili prove di forza, costruendo il nostro stato nella “bocca di un boa constrictor”.

Oggi possiamo affermare con orgoglio che l’onore profanato è stato ripristinato e dalla popolazione senzatetto di ieri, ai tempi dell’URSS, oggi siamo una NAZIONE libera.



Dzhokhar DUDAEV.


I believe I am not mistaken when I say that one of the tragedies of the Chechen people originated on the day when Chechnya proclaimed itself an independent state. After choosing the first president, the Chechens naively believed that Russia would respect their choice. After all, Yeltsin said “take all the freedom you can swallow!” The Chechens did not know that “Swallowing freedom” they would regurgitate their blood.

The conquest of freedom

The Russians did not recognize the presidential elections held on October 27, 1991 in Chechnya. Rejecting any possibility of peaceful separation from Chechnya, the Kremlin has focused on the definitive solution of the Chechen “problem”. In planning actions against Chechen sovereignty, it was obvious that the Russian government would prioritize provocative and subversive activities, and this was evident from the growing activity of pro-Russian provocateurs on the territory of Chechnya. Funded and armed by Moscow, the leaders of the “anti-Dudaevites” began to form criminal groups under the cover of political slogans, calling themselves “opposition of the Dudaev regime”. In reality, the ideologues of this movement were full-time agents of the Russian special services and, following the instructions of the Lubyanka , they caused a civil war in the Chechens. Through these ” Mankurts ” [1], in the first half of the 90s of the twentieth century, Chechnya was transformed into a land of internal contrasts and social instability. Having already gained political independence from Moscow, many officials who held high positions in the state did what they could to discredit the idea of independence. With their actions they compromised the government, corrupted it, doing everything to make the Chechens repent of their choice. Every day, these people desecrated the idea of a free and sovereign state, and achieved many successes in this action, furthering the premises of the 1994/1996 Russo-Chechen War.

However, one detail had not been taken into consideration: the war imposed by the Kremlin would have ignited the genetic memory of the Chechens. All the people, with rare exceptions, took up arms and stood up to defend that choice. Evidently, after receiving the order to intensify their activities, the Russian special services agents began to increase their efforts to destabilize the political, economic and social situation throughout the Ichkeria territory. By sowing discord among the leaders of the state, creating an atmosphere of mutual distrust and enmity in the relations between yesterday’s comrades, the Russian mercenaries achieved the objectives set by Moscow. Instead of rallying around the president, in this hard and difficult time for the fate of the Chechen nation, and exercising their authority to defend and strengthen the authority of Ichkeria, the leaders of the country faced each other in the political arena with every sort of intrigue, against each other, using their credit only for speculative and populist purposes. After withdrawing troops from Ichkeria in 1996, the Russians invaded it with their agents. Terrible times came for Ichkeria, banditry assumed the proportions of a national catastrophe, kidnapping and the slave trade became the profession of a significant part of the former freedom fighters, lack of work and poverty swelled the ranks of criminals.

Heroes yesterday, enemies today

Thus there was no effective authority in Ichkeria. The comrades in arms of the President of yesterday, having had the opportunity to strengthen it, did not do so, but rather, having become politicians, they were the real antagonists of the President, doing everything to weaken his power. On every occasion, and under various pretexts, his authority was undermined: not a day passed without some “emergency” directed against the President. At that time I was convinced that these antagonists wanted to break Maskhadov psychologically. Imagine the state in which a person subjected to daily torture can be, every day more sophisticated and insidious. One fine day, the President collapsed… all this turmoil around the presidency drove the people to despair, their faith in authority and yesterday’s heroes disappeared. Social inequality, the absence of any guarantee of security, corrupt authorities at all levels, poverty and devastation: the Chechen people faced the 1999 war in these conditions … With an economic blockade, political and information isolation in place, the Chechen leadership he had no way of adequately preparing for Russian aggression.

The signs that the Russians were preparing a new war against Ichkeria appeared as early as February – March 1999. In February 1999, a demonstration of many thousands of people was held in support of the President’s policy in the city of Dzhokhar [formerly Grozny, NDR ]. The participants in the demonstration approved and supported in unison Maskhadov, the foreign and internal policy he pursued, and expressed the desire and willingness to take up arms to restore order in the country. Two or three Russian journalists were present at this gathering, being able to work without any restrictions. They assured me that the Russian media would report the demonstration, but not a single TV channel mentioned it. On the other hand, Russian public opinion began to be influenced by the idea that Maskhadov was a weak and indecisive person, that he had lost the support of the people, that power in Ichkeria was in the hands of the field commanders, that banditry and the slave trade flourished in Ichkeria. Obviously it would be wrong to deny these claims, which were partly true, but that the people did not support Maskhadov, or that he was weak, that was an absolute lie. The Chechen people had responded to the President’s appeal, and were willing to defend him. But the Russian media hid this fact from their audience. As for the field commanders, most of them obeyed without question the President and Commander the Chief of the Armed Forces.

But, as they say, no family is without monsters. On the occasion of the second anniversary of the signing of the Peace Treaty between Ichkeria and Russia on May 12 , 1997, well-organized celebrations were held in the city of Dzhokhar: events were held in the city center, horse races were held on the outskirts of the capital, with prizes in prize money, including “VAZ” 6 car models. It was a bright and festive day, during which the Ichkeria leadership showed all its desire for peace with Russia. Once again, Russian TV reporters worked on the event, as always without restrictions. And once again the media did not say a single word about the fact that similar celebrations were held in the city of Dzhokhar. All of this suggested that there would be no celebration the following year.

[1] Figuratively speaking, the word ” mankurt ” refers to people who have lost touch with their ethnic homeland , who have forgotten their kinship . For further information:


Battle in Ilaskhan – Yurt

After leaving Argun, we moved to a wooded mountainous area in the Nozhai – Yurt district. Here we organized our base, well hidden in a gorge near the village of Shuani. On the afternoon of March 25, a messenger arrived at the base: we were ordered to go in force to the village of Novogrozny, today Oyskhara. When we arrived Maskhadov gave me a brief report on the situation: “The Russians have left Gudermes, and are moving in the direction of Novogrozny. They crushed our defenses. We have to delay them at least for a few hours, until we evacuate the hospital and the documents. I have no one else to send except your battalion. I ask you to detain the Russians as much as possible: there are many wounded in the hospital, if the Russians find them they will shoot them all. ” Then Maskhadov told me that on the eastern outskirts of Ilaskhan – Yurt a unit of militiamen from nearby was gathering and they would give us a hand.

There were few people with me, about thirty in all, because after the retreat from Argun many of the militiamen, cold and tired, had dispersed to the surrounding villages to recover their strength. We immediately set off towards Ilaskhan – Yurt and, having reached the goal, we reunited with 70 militia men. The Russians advanced on the wooded ridge overlooking the village, traveling in the direction of Novogrozny. We settled in positions previously equipped, and then later abandoned. Their conditions were not the best: due to the heavy rains of those days they were full of water, and we guarded the positions with mud up to our knees. We tried to drain them, but the water returned to fill them in a few hours, due to the damp soil.

Soon our presence was noticed by the Russians, who began bombing our trenches from their high positions. Using mortars and field artillery. In that bombing we suffered the wounding of three or four men. However , they did not proceed to an attack, allowing us to hold them back for many more hours. Having left in a hurry, we had brought neither food nor water with us: we spent the next night hungry and cold in our damp trenches, under constant enemy bombardment. We were so starved that, when we managed to get our hands on a heifer the next day, we ate its almost raw meat, but not before getting permission from a local clergyman.

March 29 , the first Russian patrol reached our trenches. We managed to repel the assault: the enemy lost two men and retreated quickly. From the uniforms and weapons found in the possession of the fallen Russians, we understood that we had a paratrooper unit in front of us. As soon as the Russians were back in their trenches the artillery began a pounding bombardment on our positions with mortars and 120 mm artillery, causing many injuries among our units. After a long preparatory bombardment, the infantry moved on to the attack, and we began the unhooking maneuvers: some of us took the wounded away, others retreated into the woods, or returned to their homes. Only five of us remained in position: Vakha from Chishka, Khavazhi from Naurskaya, Yusup from Alpatovo, Mammad from Naursk station and myself. When we finally managed to get away we were exhausted: I came out with chronic pneumonia, which would accompany me in the years to follow.

Combined Regiment Naursk

In April, if memory serves me well, on April 2, as he said, the head of the main headquarters of the armed forces of the CRI, General Maskhadov, came to my base. The Chief of Staff briefly introduced me to the latest events and changes on the lines of contact between us and the Russians: it was clear from his words that our situation was not good. Consequently he asked me to become subordinate to the commander of the Nozhai- Yurta leadership, Magomed Khambiev. The same day I went to Nozhai-Yurt, where I met the new commander. He assigned the battalion’s area of responsibility to a location not far from the village of Zamai-Yurt, southwest of this village. Once deployed, we dug trenches and equipped shooting points for the machine gun. Here at the base, we, in our Naur battalion, were joined by groups of militias from Gudermes and the Shelkovsky district, for a total of 200 people. As a result, our battalion became the “Combined Naur Regiment”. I was confirmed by Maskhadov himself as commander of this new unit.

The Regiment held the assigned position until the early days of 1995, fighting a war of position against Russian forces. These faced us mainly with artillery, throwing a hail of mortar rounds at us, and increasing the dose with incursions of combat helicopters MI – 42 and MI – 18. During this phase we mourned the death of one of us, Dzhamleila of Naurskaya , and the wounding of ten men. Finally, in the first days of June , we received the order to switch to guerrilla warfare.



Battaglia ad Ilaskhan – Yurt

Dopo aver lasciato Argun, ci trasferimmo in una zona montuosa coperta di boschi, nel distretto di Nozhai – Yurt. Qui organizzammo la nostra base, ben nascosta in una gola vicino al villaggio di Shuani. Nel pomeriggio del 25 Marzo giunse alla base un messaggero: ci era ordinato di dirigerci in forze al villaggio di Novogrozny, oggi Oyskhara. Quando arrivammo Maskhadov mi fece un breve rapporto sulla situazione: “I russi hanno lasciato Gudermes, e si stanno muovendo in direzione di Novogrozny. Hanno schiacciato le nostre difese. Dobbiamo ritardarli almeno per qualche ora, finchè non evacuiamo l’ospedale ed i documenti. Non ho nessun altro da inviare, tranne il tuo battaglione. Ti chiedo di trattenere i russi il più possibile: ci sono molti feriti nell’ospedale, se i russi li trovano li fucileranno tutti.” Poi Maskhadov mi disse che alla periferia orientale di Ilaskhan – Yurt si stava radunando un reparto di miliziani provenienti dalle vicinanze, i quali ci avrebbero dato man forte.

Insieme a me c’erano poche persone, una trentina in tutto, perché dopo la ritirata da Argun molti dei miliziani, infreddoliti e stanchi, si erano dispersi nei villaggi circostanti per recuperare le forze. Ci mettemmo subito in marcia verso Ilaskhan  – Yurt e, raggiunto l’obiettivo, ci ricongiungemmo con 70 uomini della milizia. I russi avanzavano sulla cresta boscosa che dominava il villaggio, viaggiando in direzione di Novogrozny. Ci sistemammo in posizioni precedentemente attrezzate, e poi successivamente abbandonate. Le loro condizioni non erano delle migliori: a causa delle forti piogge di quei giorni erano piene d’acqua, e presidiavamo le posizioni con il fango fino alle ginocchia. Cercavamo di drenarle, ma l’acqua tornava a riempirle in poche ore, a causa del terreno umido.

Ben presto la nostra presenza fu notata dai russi, i quali iniziarono a bombardare le nostre trincee dalle loro posizioni elevate. Usando mortai ed artiglieria da campagna. In quel bombardamento patimmo il ferimento di tre o quattro uomini. Tuttavia non procedettero ad un attacco, permettendoci di trattenerli ancora per molte ore. Essendo partiti in fretta e furia, non avevamo portato con noi né cibo né acqua: trascorremmo la notte successiva affamati ed infreddoliti nelle nostre trincee umide, sotto il costante bombardamento nemico. Eravamo così provati dalla fame che, quando il giorno dopo riuscimmo a mettere le mani su una giovenca, ne mangiammo la carne quasi cruda, ma non prima di aver avuto il permesso da un religioso locale.

A mezzogiorno del 29 Marzo la prima pattuglia russa raggiunse le nostre trincee. Riuscimmo a respingere l’assalto: il nemico perse due uomini e si ritirò velocemente. Dalle divise e dalle armi trovate in possesso dei russi caduti capimmo di avere davanti un reparto di paracadutisti.  Non appena i russi furono rientrati nelle loro trincee l’artiglieria iniziò un bombardamento martellante sulle nostre posizioni con mortai ed artiglieria da 120 mm, provocando molti ferimenti tra le nostre unità. Dopo un lungo bombardamento preparatorio, la fanteria passò all’attacco, e noi iniziammo le manovre di sganciamento: alcuni di noi portarono via i feriti, altri si ritirarono tra i boschi, o tornarono alle loro case. In posizione rimanemmo soltanto in cinque: Vakha da Chishka, Khavazhi da Naurskaya, Yusup da Alpatovo, Mammad dalla stazione di Naursk ed io. Quando finalmente riuscimmo ad allontanarci eravamo esausti: io ne uscii con una polmonite cronica, che mi avrebbe accompagnato negli anni a seguire.

Reggimento Combinato Naursk

Ad aprile, se la memoria mi serve bene, il due aprile, come ha detto, il capo del quartier generale principale delle forze armate della CRI, il generale Maskhadov, è venuto alla mia base. Il capo di stato maggiore mi ha brevemente presentato gli ultimi eventi e i cambiamenti sulle linee di contatto tra noi e i russi: era chiaro dalle sue parole che la  nostra situazione non era buona. Di conseguenza mi chiese di diventare subordinato al comandante di la direzione Nozhai-Yurta,  Magomed Khambiev. Lo stesso giorno mi recai a Nozhai-Yurt, dove incontrai il nuovo comandante. Egli assegnò l’area di responsabilità del battaglione ad una posizione non lontana dal villaggio di Zamai-Yurt, a sud-ovest di questo villaggio. Una volta schierati, abbiamo scavato trincee e attrezzato punti di tiro per la mitragliatrice. Qui alla base, noi, nel nostro battaglione Naur, siamo stati raggiunti da gruppi di milizie di Gudermes e del distretto di Shelkovsky, per un totale di 200 persone. Di conseguenza, il nostro battaglione divenne il “Reggimento Combinato Naur”. Fui confermato dallo stesso Maskhadov comandante di questa nuova unità.

Il Reggimento tenne la posizione assegnata fino ai primi di giorni del 1995, combattendo una guerra di posizione contro le forze russe. Queste ci affrontavano principalmente con l’artiglieria, lanciandoci contro una grandine di colpi di mortaio, e rincarando la dose con incursioni di elicotteri da combattimento MI – 42 e MI – 18. Durante questa fase piangemmo la morte di uno di noi, Dzhamleila di Naurskaya, ed il ferimento di dieci uomini. Nei primi giorni di Giugno, infine, ricevemmo l’ordine di passare alla guerra partigiana.

“There are forces more dangerous than any tank!” Dudaev’s first speech

On November 23, 1990, the first session (and also the only one with this name) of the Chechen National Congress took place. At the end of this event, Air Force General Dzhokhar Dudaev appeared to the general Chechen public for the first time. We will not dwell on the origins of the congress, nor on the figure of Dudaev but on the words he uttered. His intervention came at the end of the work of the congress, when the delegates had already decided to vote a Declaration of Sovereignty of the Chechen Republic, and to transform the congress into a permanent political platform. We publish Dudaev’s words first of all because the full text of the speech has never been translated from Russian, and it constitutes a fundamental historical source for understanding not only the General’s political parable, but also for framing the entire evolution of Chechen nationalism.

The original Dudaev’s speech

Dear brothers and sisters. Dear comrades, our dear guests.

I sincerely congratulate you and myself on the first hours and first day of citizenship of a sovereign state. The declaration has been adopted and I am fully convinced that even if someone has the idea to object, he will be a potential enemy of our people.

The delegates of the congress took on the extraordinary responsibility of being representatives of the people. The announcement itself is not that difficult. But there is a wise saying among the people: “don’t take out the dagger unnecessarily, if you take it out, use it”.

The dagger is unsheathed. Now we need to think about how to equip a sovereign state. This is an extremely delicate and complex process. I would like to warn my compatriots that the most dangerous period regarding possible provocation, conditioning of the minds of individuals, which can lead to bloodshed, is coming right now. There are sufficient forces for this. The young man who spoke earlier recalled the danger of an attack with tanks. The tank is vulnerable. It is clearly visible, you can lie under it with and detonate it with grenades. There are forces more dangerous than any tank, plane, and any weapon. Seven-story buildings (KGB) located on the next street. Even if one person sits in each of their offices, one can imagine what forces there are for this republic. Not a single autonomous republic has such potential, even just in terms of building. Probably down below too, a couple of floors underground.

The KGB building in Grozny before the war

No matter how difficult it is to recognize and assume this responsibility: if the sovereign republic does not have its own protection forces, guarantors of the republic’s security, and a Ministry of the Interior, if it is not willing to mobilize, to create its own formations, a sovereign republic, at the present stage, does not exist.

This confirms the course of events, the ongoing struggle in all regions. And as has been said here, now we must act and not wait for outside help. If we present a bill, my personal belief is that Russia should stay closer. Where is the evolved parliament, where are the capable forces, the forces of democracy and the master generator of perestroika. It is necessary to present to the allied department all the reports we are talking about for the damage suffered by our little and poor peoples on this earth.

The well-being that today is relatively available in the republic compared to other regions and is ensured, first of all, by the flexibility of the management, to which due must be recognized, and no less by the wisdom of the people. A beautiful land, one of the most fertile corners, nature always gives birth to beautiful people: soul, body, spirit, will, character, all positive natural qualities. Of which we talk a lot …

I asked my compatriots not to turn the glory of the past on them, the best people of Russia and all countries of the world spoke of this glory. When we talk about it ourselves, it means that the spiritual potential of the present generation has run out.

Dudaev at the first session of the Chechen National Congress

It would seem …

So, I have so many proposals, that (if the Organizing Committee of the Congress is interested), and with full conviction (if until now there were doubts about the possibility of maintaining democracy, the creation of a rule of law), then young people of the Organizing Committee, which in the most difficult conditions managed to convene the People’s Congress (the highest organization of our time), then there is the potential of young people, there is the strength of young people.

The rest of the proposals on Parliament, if they are of interest to the Management and the Organizing Committee, I will send them in writing.
Thanks for your attention, good luck and on.