Archivi tag: Dudaev

“I am grateful to the fate that made me meet the Chechens!” Francesco Benedetti interviews Alla Dudaeva

6 marzo 2023 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

Alla Fyodorovna Dudayeva is the widow of the first President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Dudaev’s life partner, she lived with him until his assassination, which occurred on April 21, 1996 by the Russian army. Despite being of Russian origin, Alla Dudaeva linked her personal destiny to the cause of Chechen independence, continuing after her husband’s death to plead the reasons for a free Chechnya. Among her qualities, her passion for drawing certainly stands out. For this reason, in addition to her words, we have collected and published, with her permission, her pictorial works. What follows, therefore, is a double story, in words and images: the story of a wife, a mother, an artist, a political activist, a woman united with Chechnya by love and destiny.

The death of Dzhokhar Dudayev has deprived the Chechens of both a human and a political point of reference. From your point of view, this may be even more true: has the loss of a person so important to you as a life partner, as a mother, and at the same time as a supporter of a free Chechnya, changed your existential point of view?

The entire Chechen people wept when they learned of Dzhokhar’s death, as well as the Muslim world. But not only Muslims: the whole world appreciated Dzhokhar’s life and work, the Chechen people’s resistance to Russian aggression, and dedicated dozens of streets, squares and cities in different countries to him. Dzhokhar showed how to “take cities” and in 3 days (March 7,8,9) the capital of Ichkeria was taken by Chechens. Russian military units and bases were surrounded, but the Chechens did not shoot at the Russians so that the planes could not bomb the attackers. This ingenious plan was conceived by Dzhokhar, and when journalists asked him “why did you leave Grozny?” He replied “We have shown the whole world how to take cities!” In exactly the same way, the invaders were surrounded three months after the death of Dzhokhar on August 6, 1996. It was called: “dying, embracing the enemy.” And it happened only thanks to the unparalleled courage and courage of the Chechen people. For the first time in the world, a small Chechen people defeated the huge Russian empire of evil and violence, which the whole world has been afraid of for decades!

And the people called it a miracle! This victory gave hope to all occupied peoples for their future liberation and breathed new strength into those who bowed and surrendered! A nation is invincible when it fights on its own land for its freedom, if it has such a leader! When the president and the people are one, they are invincible!

Has his death changed anything in you regarding the care of your family and regarding the idea of an independent Chechnya?

After the death of Dzhokhar, nothing has changed in me in relation to our family or in relation to the idea of the independence of Ichkeria. But my personal feeling changed, I could not imagine myself without Dzhokhar, it was as if I was unexpectedly hit in the chest. Then we were secretly taken to the second home of a brave and wise man, Dayan, and I sat by his body for three days. Dayan asked me not to mention that Dzhokhar was dead when I was at her house for dinner. He asked me to say that there was one wounded, but not that it was Dzhokhar. “My wife Leila” he said “She couldn’t bear it. He has a weak heart. No need to mourn it in front of them, there would be such a noise that everyone in the village would understand immediately. Instead we have to hide. After her words, I understood that there were still those who loved Dzhokhar, albeit weaker than me in health. And I learned to hide, even as my heart was torn apart by pain. Therefore, when it was necessary to declare Dzhokhar’s death on April 24 in front of journalists from all over the world, I learned to hide my tears and did not cry, I thought about hundreds of sick old women like Leila, what would happen to them when they heard the sad news. And about our enemies, how they would rejoice at Dzhokhar’s death … That’s why I decided to leave the doubt, to Dzhokhar’s enemies who feared him, that he might return.

That very night we snuck him out and buried him. And I witnessed such miracles, when Dzhokhar was raised and carried to the cemetery, that it seemed to me that I had new strength. We left at three in the morning. When we arrived at the cemetery it was still dark which was scary. There was a wall of fog. While the grave was being dug, I sat next to Dzhokhar’s body, behind the fence. And when they came for him and brought him, suddenly the fog cleared, pink-gold rays of the sun appeared, under which everything around shone. And in the blue sky above his grave, flocks of birds were circling, as if they had come to greet or meet him. And they sang!!! Most likely, the Almighty himself met him! I understood that Dzhokhar would not be in the grave, his soul was immediately taken to heaven!

When the Chechen people gathered all their strength and managed to defeat the huge Russian empire, many believed that Dzhokhar was alive and would certainly return. But our enemies have claimed that Dzhokhar, a symbol of independence, fled, leaving his people behind. And then I had to refute these dirty rumors and we made a documentary about the place of his death. In it, I detailed where he was, when it happened and from which side two rockets came, one after the other. The military prosecutor, Magomed Zhaniev, and our former representative in Moscow, Khamad Kurbanov, they died with him. They were immediately taken away by relatives and buried the next day. But many Chechens still didn’t believe me and so I had to write the book “Million First” which became a documentary about the birth, childhood, life and death of Dzhokhar Dudayev .

It was first published in Baku in 2002. Then in six other countries in different languages. By the way, immediately after the book was published, a video was mounted in Chechnya, someone spoke in my voice against the background of my photograph. “I apologize to the Chechen people, I am getting married. I searched for a long time and finally found someone similar to Dzhokhar, only the mustache is different.” This was done intentionally so that my book would not be believed, and some still think that I again married Dzhokhar, who in reality was allegedly wounded, secretly taken out of Chechnya, and then healed. Only many years later the Chechen people finally convinced themselves and stopped waiting for Dzhokhar.

After the liberation of Grozny in August, Chechnya found itself free, but in constant danger. From April 1996 to February 1997, Dzhokhar’s inheritance passed to Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. He was an old friend of your husband’s. What do you remember about him? What kind of person was he?

Zelimkhan Yandarbiev was a poet and leader of the Vainakh Democratic Party , one of the pioneers of Chechen People’s Freedom. He visited us in Tartu, Estonia and invited Dzhokhar to the first Congress. Dzhokhar made such a brilliant speech that he was elected chairman of the Chechen People’s Executive Committee. Zelimkhan was always next to Dzhokhar and supported him in everything. He was distinguished by great courage and loyalty to the idea of independence, and therefore Dzhokhar, after a series of unsuccessful attempts on his life, instructed him to replace him as president of the CRI in the event of his death. Zelimkhan’s courage can be judged by the famous video in which he did not surrender to President Yeltsin during peace talks in the Kremlin. And he insisted that he move to the place assigned to him, opposite Zelimkhan Yandarbiev. Because the war of 1994-1996 was with the Russian aggressor, who started the war with independent Ichkeria. This was not the “internal conflict” that the Russian media were talking about. And it was not about “restoring constitutional order on the territory of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria”, but about a full-scale war, during which the capital was burned to the ground by Russian bombs, the entire Chechen land was burned and mined ! Zelimkhan in 1997 held the election of a new president of the CRI, although he could have continued to hold office, but he wanted the Chechen people to choose their own president. Although then some blamed him for it. He has always been on the side of legality and democracy.

After the 1997 elections, the post of president of the republic passed to Aslan Maskhadov. What was your opinion of him? And how did this opinion change during your political tenure before the second Russian invasion?

Aslan Maskhadov inherited a country destroyed by the Russian-Chechen war and thousands wounded, tens of thousands of people without means of subsistence. Dzhokhar Dudayev forbade taking a ransom for captured Russians. But, immediately after his death on April 21, already in May, the oligarch Berezovsky bought out the Russian journalist Elena Masyuk from Chechen captivity for two million dollars. They returned her to the United States, and Bill Clinton, a friend of Yeltsin, solemnly awarded her a massive gold chain on her chest. All this was shown on television and marked the beginning of the hostage trade conducted by the FSK. They often took hostages from the families of wealthy businessmen to the border of the CRI and handed them over to the Chechens, and then divided the ransom through intermediaries, the main one being Berezovsky. The authorities could do nothing about the rampant crimes of the Russian special services. They killed 8 people from the International Red Cross, blaming the Chechens. And they cut off the heads of three foreigners who allegedly provided the republic with telephone communications with the whole world. They tried to show the Chechens as criminals and bandits to the whole world. In 1999, on Putin’s orders, they blew up two houses in Moscow and one in Volgodonsk, accused the Chechens of this crime and started the second Russo-Chechen war. The fate of Aslan Maskhadov was tragic, but he honorably fulfilled his duty and died as a result of a long guerrilla war. I think it was easier for him to live in a tent and fight in the forest alongside his faithful comrades than during his presidency.

The main accusation leveled against Ichkeria between 1996 and 1999 is that it became an Islamic state and abandoned the path started by the 1992 Constitution and which Dzhokhar intended to maintain. What do you think about this topic?

Ichkeria hasn’t become an Islamic state over the years because it was ruled by President Aslan Maskhadov and had a parliament, but Foreign Minister Movladi Udugov created a two-story so-called “Wahhabi” center in the city of Grozny with security and behind a wall. People from Saudi Arabia came to him, who presented themselves to the Chechen people as the most correct Muslims. They stopped cars on the street and checked people’s IDs to see if relatives or women were traveling with unfamiliar men. To then punish them with whips, as well as for drunkenness. Udugov tried to install his emirs in each village to create parallel systems of state administration. In Urus-Martan, the only village not destroyed by bombing because its inhabitants did not take part in the resistance to Russian troops in the first Russo-Chechen war, a “Wahhabi” center was organized and hijabs were brought for women. In addition, small booklets with extracts from the Koran were brought, published in Moscow. There was a Jamaat school in Baku, where our wounded were taken in, and they were taught to pray differently, but they didn’t leave to react. They were subsidized by Moscow. But, I repeat, from 1992 to 1999, Ichkeria did not become an Islamic state and retained its constitution. Much later, already during the partisan war phase, in 2002, Aslan Maskhadov made a statement and changed the constitution by introducing an Islamic one, but only the parliament has the right to make such legislative decisions if there is a quorum and the modification of the constitution by all the people during a referendum.

After Maskhadov’s death, Abdul- Khalim Sadulayev became the successor to the leadership of independent Ichkeria. He stated:

“With the beginning of the Second War, work continued on the drafting of the Constitution in full accordance with the norms of Islam, […] And now article 1 of the Constitution of the CRI accounting: “The Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is a sovereign and independent Islamic state of law, created as a result of the self-determination of the Chechen people. The sources of all decisions are the Koran and the Sunnah.” Thus, we have come to the logical conclusion of the legal reforms initiated by Dzhokhar Dudayev . Do you think these arguments are correct? What do you think about Sadulaev ?

Indeed, Abdul- Khalim Saidulaev , appointed by Maskhadov in case of his death, became Aslan Maskhadov’s successor. But, like Aslan Maskhadov, he was a partisan in the forest and did not have a parliament to change the constitution. Only the parliament has the ability to engage in legislative activities, and only the people have the right to decide such important issues as changing the constitution during a referendum on this issue. The president has the right only to sign the laws passed by the parliament or the decisions of the people during a referendum.

Do you think the Chechen diaspora in Europe and the West as a whole will be able to influence governments to intervene decisively in the rebirth of an independent Chechnya? What actions, in your opinion, should be taken by its representatives?

There are now 160,000 Russian troops in Ichkeria. As soon as the changes in Russia begin, the Russian troops left in a foreign country, surrounded by a foreign people, will slowly leave by themselves. Just as Kadyrov and his accomplices will run away, fearing a feud. Our activities, like all past years, took place in the information struggle with those who want to take advantage of the seizure of power in the republic to declare Sharia and themselves at the head of Sharia without the democratic choice of the people in accordance with our constitution. We are the only legitimate authority, the Presidium and its members have never proclaimed themselves illegal “prime ministers” or cabinet presidents. We were approved in our offices by the last president and we have continued our work. And we exist to organize democratic elections for new leaders who will undoubtedly appear among the Chechen people in the course of all these events. We must ensure the continuity of democratic power of the people. Only the people have the right to elect a leader and other structures. In recent years, many educated young Chechens have grown up, who studied at the best universities in Europe. Surely the most active of them will show up and be ready, on a competitive basis, not only to lead the republic, but also the cabinet of ministers.

You, of Russian origin, could be represented, if you will allow me an analogy, as a tree with Russian roots and Chechen branches. How do you experience the relationship between these two identities, even after all that has happened?

I am very sorry that the Kremlin has started a war of annihilation with such an amazing people as the Chechens. In the first Russo-Chechen war, at the invitation of the government of Ichkeria, 250 Russian mothers came to Nazran for their captured sons, eighteen-year-old conscripts scattered throughout the republic, finding and taking their sons away from Chechen commanders. This went down in world history, for the first time such a small nation took pity on an army of conquerors and returned the captives without any ransom to their mothers. But, now, almost everyone who opposed the Russian Empire’s aggressive wars has either left Russia or been killed. The Russian people have changed and their army has turned into an army of looters and bandits. However, Russian generals are now taking criminals out of prisons and sending them to fight in Ukraine. And Russia itself evokes completely different feelings among all the peoples of our world. Therefore, everyone is waiting for this last empire of evil and violence to collapse and for its colonial peoples to free themselves and finally become masters of their own land and destiny. And I hope that with the help of Western countries, this will happen much faster than it could be with the Chechen people, who had almost no weapons to defend themselves, most of the machine guns were stolen from the Russian occupiers themselves. And yet he didn’t give up and led the resistance for decades. There were not even a million Chechens, now there are 46 million Ukrainians, and the whole world helps them with weapons and condemnation of Russia’s aggression.

During the war in Chechnya Western politicians declared non-interference in Russia’s internal affairs. Dzhokhar warned that the time might come when the West itself would become Russia’s internal affair. Lo and behold, this moment has come, his words have come true, and they finally woke up! Now Russia is recognized by the West as a terrorist state, although I would call it a terrorist state on an international scale! Because in addition to wars of conquest, it destroys all those who oppose it around the world: Alexander Litvinenko in London, Zelimkhan Yandarbiev in Qatar, Turkey, Austria, Germany, France… it is difficult to list all those killed by name and name the methods of their murder. The Russian government has to answer for its crimes in the same way as Nazi Germany did when the Nuremberg trials took place. Russia is waiting for Nuremberg 2. And I really hope that we will all witness this momentous event and the Russian Empire will sink into oblivion.

How did you live, as mother and wife of the late first president, between the first and second wars? I deliberately ask this question in a very general way. Then you can talk about whatever aspect or experience is most important to you.

Between the wars I lived, like most Chechens, in the belief that there would be no more war. People have restored destroyed houses, planted trees and gardens. Life went on. My kids were there and they too thought all the bad stuff was over. After the outbreak of the second war, when the Chechen people were undeservedly accused of blowing up houses in Moscow, everyone understood that this war would become revanchist. And Moscow’s revenge for the victory of the Chechen people in 1996. I had to leave Ichkeria and move to Ingushetia, then to Georgia, to Baku and, finally, to Istanbul. Our family, like many other Chechens, was forced into exile. Throughout Ichkeria, like mushrooms, Russian filtration fields multiplied, they became more than fifty. They were even in Stavropol, Minvody , Pyatigorsk . In them, tens of thousands of Chechens were tortured and killed. Some of the dying or corpses were sold to relatives for burial. It was a terrible time! The Chechen people paid for their desire to be free with their blood! But, in his soul, he has always remained unconquered, because from time immemorial he welcomed all those who entered his house saying: “be free”! And to this day this greeting remains in effect. I am grateful to fate for giving me the opportunity to get to know this proud and humane people, their customs and traditions. A people who would be admired and taken as an example by humanity if they knew it! And I thank Allah for giving me the opportunity to witness so many miracles that I would never have believed if I hadn’t seen them myself. The Chechen people are busy now, but this is only temporary, they have a bright future ahead of them, and new names and new heroes will certainly appear, about which we still do not know anything. After all, no country in the world has as many enthusiasts as the Chechens. People ready to give their lives for the freedom of the people!

FLAG STORIES – THE WOLF OF ICHKERIA

30 gennaio 2023 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

The flag is not just a colored rag: it is the spiritual synthesis of a people’s identity. This is more than ever true when it comes to the flag of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Every Chechen who yearns for independence carries its colors in his memory, and gets excited every time he sees them. In the green cloth marked with red and white he finds the pride of a free nation, the tragedy of the blood shed by his brothers and the promise of a future redemption.

An informant who requested to remain anonymous has brought us some fascinating stories about the tricolor of Ichkeria, which we make available to our readers.

The official flag of Chechen Republic of Ichkeria

A flag at the market

September 6 , 1995. That day a major anti-war demonstration was scheduled in Grozny. At that time, a “filtration camp” was located in Neftyanka where prisoners from all over the republic were deported. Here they were tortured and if they survived, often set free for a ransom, they remained bent in body and spirit for the rest of their short lives.

In front of the camp there was a market teeming with people, organized for the military, the only ones who had money to make purchases. On the other side of the road, the armored vehicles on which the camp inmates were transported were stationed. Above them sat bored soldiers, swollen with beer bought at the market, waiting for a new “crop” of prisoners, victims of this terrible conveyor belt of death. Suddenly from a crossroads came a Zhiguli . The car parked between the market and the armored vehicle parking lot. A passenger came out of the car carrying a large ChRI flag, and began tying it to the door.

Panic immediately broke out: the sellers fled, spilling the goods, the soldiers suddenly awoke from their torpor, locking themselves inside their vehicles. The passenger of the Zhiguli , without flinching, finished arranging his flag, got into the car and slammed the door behind him. After that he set off again in complete tranquillity. It was enough for a patriot to display the flag of the Chechen Republic, with the wolf guarding it, to unleash panic among the Russian military. They had seen what miracles the Chechens had performed under this banner, defending their land from invaders.

The flag on the wall of the Council of Ministers, 1992

The flag on the crane

During the war, someone hoisted a large ChRI flag on a tall construction crane at the “new stop” in Staropromyslvsky district . The occupation authorities, noticing her, demanded that she be seized. However, they could not find anyone willing to ride the crane, not even for a reward. There were rumors that somewhere there was a sniper guarding the flag, who would electrocute anyone who approached the flag. Thus, the tricolor of Ichkeria continued to fly on the crane until August 1996, when the Chechens liberated Grozny and victoriously ended the war.

The flag of the Presidential Palace

ChRI’s most famous flag was the one that flew from the Presidential Palace. In times of peace, citizens could see this great banner waving in the sky. During the first war this was impetuously bombed and, after two anti-bunker bombs managed to penetrate up to the basement of the structure, it was necessary to evacuate it to avoid a massacre. The Palace gave shelter to hundreds of people (up to 800) and the bombings had so deeply affected the structure that its defenders, and the wounded, risked ending up buried under the rubble. So it was decided to abandon it: not before, however, having removed the flag from the mast to save it. Under a massive barrage a patrol ventured onto the roof of the palace, removed the flag and took care of it, preventing it from falling into the hands of the Russians, who would no doubt display it as a trophy. It seems that the national flag is still preserved and protected waiting to be able to wave again for a free Chechnya.

A boy waves the flag of Ichkeria in the ruins of Grozny

Bamut’s flag

One of the most legendary and iconic places of the First Russo-Chechen War is undoubtedly the Bamut fortress. Here the Chechens resisted the attacks of the Russian army for many months, enduring a terrible siege. One day, after yet another bombardment, the defenders realized that there was not a single building left intact enough to hang the flag. It was then decided to hoist it on the village water tower. The Russians, who evidently feared that that flag alone would prevent them from advancing, fired artillery at the tower until it collapsed to the ground, taking the flag with it. It was evident that the Russians were so afraid of the Chechen cloth that they were unwilling to fight under it. The defenders then decided to hang the flag from the tallest mast, so that it would continue to instill fear in the enemy.

Back to the Constitution: Francesco Benedetti interviews Ikhvan Gerikhanov (Part 2)

16 gennaio 2023 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

In April 21, 1996, President Dudayev was killed, and Vice-President Yandarbiev assumed his interim powers. How did your relationship with him develop?

After the treasonous assassination of the President, I returned to Grozny and actively participated in the preparation of the new elections. I returned to my duties when President Yandarbiev accepted my condition that the Constitutional Court could begin its work only after the annulment of the unconstitutional decree concerning its dissolution in April 1993. This happened with the Decree from these promulgated on November 12, 1996, in which it was clarified that the dissolution order issued by Dudaev was to be considered devoid of any legal effect. At that point I started forming a new team of judges for the court, having to make up for the expressed refusal of some of the old members to collaborate with the new government, as well as the defections of others, who had left the territory of the Republic.

During his mandate, Yandarbiev initiated a series of legislative interventions aimed at establishing an Islamic republic, such as, for example, the creation of Sharia courts. Were these measures constitutionally correct? Has the Constitutional Court sanctioned them?

To take a specific decision on the introduction of Sharia courts, the Constitutional Court did not yet have the necessary quorum for a vote and the approval of the judges was and is the prerogative of the Parliament of the Chechen Republic, which during this period had not yet been renewed. Actions aimed at introducing Sharia courts directly contradict the Constitution of the Chechen Republic, which I have repeatedly expressed in the media and personally to Yandarbiev.

Following the January 1997 presidential elections, Aslan Maskhadov became president. How was your work under his tenure?

After the election of President and of the Parliament, I have actively collaborated with the institutions and have looked for candidates to complete the ranks of the Constitutional Court , and obtain their nomination by the Parliament. However I failed to complete this task, due to the situation in the Republic and the introduction of Sharia courts. However, as head of the highest judicial authority, I have actively participated in all legal activities of national importance.

By Presidential Decree of May 6 , 1996, I was appointed an expert in the process of negotiating and drafting documents on relations between the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and the Russian Federation, and also headed the office of the State Legal Commission to develop and improve the constitutional principles , with the creation of a code of Islamic law CHRI. This order was presented to the President on May 20, 1997. This code of laws was personally prepared by me and delivered to President Maskhadov under the name ” Korta Nizam “, meaning “main consensus”: this project included the combination of Muslim and secular law, without radical deviations from the mentality and customs ( adat ) of the Chechen people, but taking into account the rules of conduct for a Muslim according to the Koran and the Sunnah of our Prophet (SAS). This law should have been voted on in a referendum and subsequently should have been adopted by the Parliament. If the Chechen people had approved this bill, after it was adopted by its legislative body, it would have acquired the status of Constitution as Basic Law of the country.However, once again, the crisis of the institutions has not allowed this to be discussed, and possibly integrated into the Fundamental Law of the State.

In addition to this, I was involved in the work as a member of the State Commission for the Development of the National Security Doctrine of the CRI, according to the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of July 31, 1997. Basically, we worked on guarantees for the country’s national security and so that the invasion of our country would not be repeated over the decades. We have tried to establish ChRI in the world community as a subject of international law and find protection through international institutions. In addition, we have worked on consolidating our statehood through the Charter of the United Nations, which should be the document guaranteeing our security, both as a state and as a whole and as an ethnic group in communion with the whole civilized world. Constitutional Court member Seda Khalidova worked actively with me. In 1997 we met with the new Chairman of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation M. Baglai and even prepared an agreement on the interaction of the two highest state judicial bodies. This draft agreement was not approved by the parties, for the well-known reasons we have already mentioned.

As the radical forces consolidated in the country, the possibility of creating an Islamic state was increasingly discussed. How could this idea fit into the 1992 Constitution?

In no way. The Constitution of the CRI and its norms are mandatory, i.e. mandatory, regardless of the situation, if changes to individual articles of the Constitution have not been made in accordance with the requirements of this Basic Law.

At the end of 1998, Maskhadov was tried by the Sharia court. Was this court constitutionally legal? Do you remember this process?

By that time I had left the republic and worked at the International Arbitration Tribunal, but as one of the authors of the 1992 Constitution of the Chechen Republic, I can state that such a decision grossly violates the requirements of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic!

How did your experience as President of the Constitutional Court ended?

I resigned in March 1998, after an unconstitutional vote of no confidence in the President of the Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic, ie in me, for my position against the introduction of Sharia courts and the use of public executions. In the Parliament of the CRI on the second convocation there were deputies who had their own candidates for the post of President of the Tribunal and, frankly, had their own mercantile interests, which under my leadership they could not have realized. Moreover, the very discussion regarding the issue of mistrust of me is an unconstitutional process, if I have not committed a crime or if, for health reasons, I cannot fulfill my duties, or I have committed other actions contrary to the ideas of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state, prescribed by the law “On the activities of the Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic”, adopted in 1992.

This question was initiated by two deputies, one of whom, as it was later established, worked for the FSB of Russia. The second deputy brought his name into disrepute during the proceedings of the first convocation Parliament. Their names are known and they, being refugees in Europe, continue to harm the legitimate authorities of the CRI.

Chechnya, 1997: Religious police impose corporal punishment for drunkenness

After the start of the Second Russo-Chechen War and Russia’s second invasion of the country, martial law was introduced in the CRI. Aslan Maskhadov’s mandate would have expired in February 2002, but he remained in office until his assassination in 2005. If you recall, what measure extended his mandate up to this point?

First of all, we must proceed from the fact that the President of the CRI, in accordance with the requirements of the Constitution of the CRI, declared martial law in connection with the invasion of the aggressor into the sovereign territory of the country.

Secondly, in connection with martial law and the purpose of centralized government, the chairman of the CRI, Aslan Maskhadov, issued a decree on October 5, 1999 on the introduction of martial law on the territory of the republic and the adoption of Annex No . 1 to it, according to which all state structures were subordinated to the established State Defense Committee (GKO), with the wording that ” all authorities stop their work of norm-setting “. Furthermore, the State Defense Committee, since martial law was declared, has been approved as ” the highest collegial body of state power…”. And with resolution no. 217, adopted at the same time, by decision of the GKO, the President of the CRI was endowed with additional powers corresponding to the highest legislative and executive power!

Thus, the chairman of the CRI, Aslan Maskhadov, as the commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the CRI and the head of the country’s State Defense Committee, during this wartime period could not and had no legal right to leave this post and remained in place until his treasonous assassination by Russian punishers.

After Maskhadov’s assassination, power passed to Vice President Abdul Khalim Sadulayev. Was such a transfer of power constitutionally acceptable?

Of course, and this right is enshrined in art. 75 of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic, which provides that in case of removal from office of the President or in other cases in which the President cannot perform his duties, the Vice-President is required to assume full powers.

After the assassination of Sadulaev , power passed to Dokku Umarov , who proclaimed himself President. There appear to be differences between the Maskhadov-Sadulayev succession and the Sadulayev- Umarov power . What do you think is the difference between these two phenomena?

I don’t see much difference, since CRI president Abdul- Khalim Sadulaev , by decree dated June 2, 2005, appointed Umarov Doku as Vice President of the CRI. As it was indicated above, the State Defense Committee is the only state authority for the period of martial law in the country, and such actions to transfer powers do not go beyond the legislation of the CRI, although they are of a temporary nature, until the end of war and the lifting of the state of emergency.

In October 2007, Umarov announced the dissolution of the CRI as part of the Caucasus Emirate. Is this process unconstitutional?

These actions grossly violate the requirements of the Constitution of the CRI and are criminally punishable as liquidation of the state system and its power structures!

Dokku Umarov (center) last President of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria and founder of the Caucasus Emirate

A few months after the birth of the Caucasus Emirate, the current Chairman of the Cabinet of Ministers, Akhmed Zakayev, was elected to his current position by still capable deputies. How did this nomination come about? Was it constitutionally correct?

This process can be explained at length and it is impossible to complete it in this interview due to its large volume in the description. There is my October 10, 2020 Expert Opinion [attached at the bottom of this interview, NDR], made at the request of the Council of Elders of Europe, which has done a great job of consolidating disparate structures, as each of them it is declared a legitimate authority in accordance with the Constitution of the CRI. During this period, I was not a member of any diaspora or power group, so I conducted a thorough analysis and evaluation of the requirements of the Constitution of the CRI, as one of its authors and a scientist in the field of jurisprudence, and concluded that the CRI government in exile is a legitimate state authority of the CRI.

Is it true that in 2002 all powers were transferred to the GKO and that so far the institutional power of the CRI derives from the decisions of this committee, now renamed the State Deoccupation Commitee?

Yes, it is this structure that continues to have the status of the only state authority of the CRI, as the successor to the State Defense Committee, represented by the State Deoccupation Commitee of the annexed territory by the Russian Armed Forces and their protégés.

From the point of view of constitutional law, can the current CRI authorities represented by the Cabinet of Ministers, chaired by Akhmed Zakaev , recognize themselves as legitimate?

Yes, and this does not contradict the requirements of the Constitution of the CRI, and proof of this is the fact that it was approved by the legal successor of the state power of the CRI – the State Deoccupation Commitee. A detailed analysis of the legitimacy of the Cabinet of Ministers of the CRI is contained in the opinion of 10.10.2020.

FREEDOM SOLD OR WAR BOUGHT? – REFLECTIONS BY APTI BATALOV (part 2)

9 gennaio 2023 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

The sharp deterioration of Russian-Chechen relations and the intensification of activities by the Russian special services in Ichkeria and neighboring territories began with Putin’s appointment as Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. Armed provocations were staged on the Russian-Chechen border. In April 1999, for example, Russian forces attacked a Chechen border post along the Kizlyar section of the border at night, killing one guard and wounding several others. This was evidently an attempt to draw the Chechens into an armed conflict in Dagestan. However Maskhadov, realizing what the Russians wanted to achieve, forbade any retaliatory action across the border. The Russian provocation, therefore, was not followed up. The next action was staged in the Herzel section of the border in May 1999. Fierce fighting took place here for several days, during which even field artillery was used. The Russians’ plan was the same – to lure the Dagestanis to their side. Once again, however, the President of Ichkeria managed to preserve the peace between the Chechen and Dagestani peoples. Even this cowardly enterprise failed, the Russians began to threaten the country with all kinds of ultimatums.

Aslan Maskhadov (left) and Alexander Lebed (right) sign the Khasavyurt’s Accords, August 1996

President Yeltsin’s second term was coming to an end, and to save themselves from prison this drunkard’s entourage began frantically looking for a replacement. However, this group did not have a candidate who could validly oppose Primakov, and with the latter’s coming to power, all this mess would end: everything they plundered would be confiscated from them. In an attempt to find a good man they first turned to Stephasin, who refused. After these appeared Putin, like a devil from a snuffbox. He was ready to accept all the conditions stipulated by the Yeltsin clique. However , he was not yet popular enough to oppose Primakov. Thus it was that the public relations specialists, led by Berezovsky, Voloshin and Pavlovsky played the “Chechen card” in favor of Putin.

Every presidential campaign in modern “democratic” Russia is shrouded in tragedy and blood. At that time the GRU and the FSB flooded Chechnya with their agents. The services were infiltrated into the restricted circle of Chechen political-military leaders, taking advantage of the latter’s indifference in the selection of their entourage, soon becoming confidants of their godfathers. As the struggle for the presidency intensified in Moscow, Russian agents accelerated their provocative and subversive activities, as was evident from the events that began to occur in Ichkeria. I recall that in the spring of 1997 rumors began to circulate about the imminent unification of Chechnya and Dagestan into a single Islamic state, and that a “cleansing” of Russians would soon begin in preparation for this unification. Various kinds of figures and emissaries began to appear in Chechnya, coming from Dagestan. These men found great hospitality, and the support of those who supported them. Without encountering any significant opposition from the authorities, supporters of the Imamate began to promote the idea of creating a Chechen-Dagestan state “to marry Dagestan to Ichkeria” as one of them put it.

Some time later, a congress of the Chechen and Dagestani peoples was held in Dzhokhar, in the presence of the same leadership of Ichkeria. Shamil Basayev was elected Imam of Chechnya and Dagestan, with the aim of establishing an Imamate. Analyzing everything that was happening, it was obvious that this was being done under the direction of the Lubyanka , but any sober remarks regarding this adventure met with strong opposition from the “advocates of pure Islam”, anyone who dared to say something objective in this matter he would have been branded as an “apostate”, an agent of the Russians, a Jew or belonging to other categories considered hostile to the Chechens.

Shamil Basayev and Al Khattab, the two main animators of the Congress of Peoples of Ichkeria and Dagestan

After using all sorts of provocations against Ichkeria, starting with the financing of slave traders and ending with battles on the Russian-Chechen border, without results, the Russian revanchists used the risk of an Islamic insurrection in the Caucasus as a strong argument for the 1999 presidential campaign. In the summer of 1999, Basayev and his supporters accelerated preparations for the invasion of Dagestan, making no secret of their plans. The leadership of Ichkeria, being in a serious internal crisis, did not have the opportunity to intervene.

At the end of August , more precisely on August 28, 1999, a meeting of the State Defense Committee (GKO) was held in the building of the Presidential Administration. Almost all of the country’s military-political leadership attended this meeting, as well as religious figures and some members of Parliament. The main argument was evidently the invasion of Dagestan. Basayev had shown himself to the whole world in the territory of Dagestan, with a watermelon in his hand. The GKO was expected to make a decision on this issue , and a proposal was made to ask Basayev to immediately leave Dagestan, and return to Chechnya.

The meeting took place in a tense atmosphere: the president assessed the situation as very difficult, and harshly accused Basayev of having exposed the Chechen people to serious consequences. Finally, he urged those present to prepare to repel the invasion of the Russians, as, according to him, another war was inevitable at this point. At the end of his speech, the President asked the members of the State Defense Committee to express their opinion on this issue. On the eve of the GKO meeting, I hoped that a collective statement condemning the actions of Shamil Basayev would be presented: I am sure that Shamil would not have remained indifferent to the GKO’s pronouncement. Yet this did not happen. Without boring the reader with a list of the names of those present, I will say that there were 35/40 people there. For the most part the speakers expressed little, and not very clearly. A clear and unequivocal position on the matter was expressed by no more than 3 – 4 people. Among them was Akhmed Zakayev. In his speech the Minister of Culture supported and approved Basayev’s actions without hesitation. I, in turn, called Basayev’s actions a crime against the Chechen people. Many of those who condemn Basayev’s action today remained silent then. The lack of a unanimous decision on this issue was a mistake on the part of the GKO. The leadership of Ichkeria, with its fragmentation, showed the side of Russian anti-Chechen propaganda. Our short-sightedness was very useful to the Russian revanchists.

ICHKERIA ON THE STREETS OF KRIVOY ROG

8 gennaio 2023 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

Last October, the municipality of Krivoy Rog (Krivij Rih in Ukrainian) renamed 150 streets, roads and city squares. Among these, 5 stand out, dedicated to the memory of some of the main Chechen leaders who fell during the Russo-Chechen wars (Dudaev, Gelaev, Arsanov) as well as one dedicated to Sheikh Mansour, Chechen national hero and one dedicated to the free Chechen, Free Ichkeria Street .

The street dedicated to the memory of Dzhokhar Dudaev

The street dedicated to the memory of Ruslan Gelayev

The street dedicated to the memory of Vakha Arsanov

31/12/1994 – 03/01/1995: Il fiasco di Capodanno

1 gennaio 2023 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

Quello che segue è un estratto dal secondo volume di “Libertà o Morte!” Storia della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria. Lo pubblichiamo nell’anniversario della Battaglia per Grozny,

Nella notte tra il 30 ed il 31 dicembre 1994 l’artiglieria federale iniziò un bombardamento a tappeto su Grozny. Migliaia di colpi d’artiglieria sventrarono i quartieri residenziali della periferia settentrionale. Il mattino seguente l’aeronautica continuò l’opera scaricando sulla città una pioggia di bombe e razzi. Per far sì che il bombardamento fosse continuo erano stati assegnati due equipaggi ad ogni velivolo, cosicché i cacciabombardieri federali potevano effettuare le loro missioni senza sosta[1]. Ciononostante, a causa del maltempo l’attività dei bombardieri non sortì grandi effetti sulle difese cecene, mentre generò il panico tra la popolazione e produsse grandi distruzioni nei quartieri centrali della città, abitati massicciamente da russi[2]. Dopo 24 ore di bombardamenti le truppe di terra iniziarono ad avanzare. Il grosso dell’operazione era, come abbiamo visto, assegnato ai Gruppi d’Assalto Nord e Nord-ovest le cui punte di lancia erano costituite dall’81° Reggimento Motorizzato e dalla 131a Brigata Motorizzata. Le due unità iniziarono ad avanzare verso il centro cittadino alle prime luci dell’alba del 31 dicembre. Il piano prevedeva che la 131a avanzasse in profondità fino alla stazione ferroviaria, dove avrebbe costituito una testa di ponte per le unità del Gruppo d’Assalto Ovest, mentre l’81° avrebbe aperto la strada verso il Palazzo Presidenziale.

L’avanzata della 131a incontrò una resistenza piuttosto accanita. Quando l’unità raggiunse Viale Majakovsky, una sorta di anello stradale che circonda tutto il settore occidentale della città, il plotone di ricognizione in testa alla colonna venne investito da un violento fuoco incrociato. Il primo carro T – 72 della colonna saltò in aria, ed i veicoli che lo seguivano rimasero danneggiati. Nel corso della marcia la colonna si era allungata, e quando i superstiti del plotone di ricognizione fecero marcia indietro si scontrarono contro il resto del convoglio che avanzava in direzione opposta. All’altezza dell’ingorgo c’era una scuola elementare, dalla quale un gruppo d’assalto ceceno aprì il fuoco contro i russi in confusione. Soltanto l’intervento dell’artiglieria semovente ed un bombardamento aereo che riuscì a centrare in pieno la scuola permisero all’unità di riprendere l’avanzata. All’altezza della Casa della Stampa, a poca distanza dal complesso industriale Krasnij Molot (“Martello Rosso”) i russi incontrarono l’accanita resistenza di alcuni reparti a difesa del centro urbano[3]. L’81°, per parte sua, si trovò a combattere per aprirsi la strada fin dal primo ponte sul Sunzha a nord della città (il Ponte Zukhov). Con i mezzi blindati incolonnati e impossibilitati a manovrare, il reggimento subì numerosi attacchi a colpi di lanciagranate, a seguito dei quali riportò la perdita di cinque veicoli corazzati. Nel frattempo, le unità che seguivano l’81° raggiunsero l’avanguardia, aumentando l’ingorgo e rendendo ancor più difficile il dispiegamento sull’asse di marcia. La situazione fu ulteriormente complicata dal fatto che il piano d’attacco non era sufficientemente dettagliato da individuare più vie d’accesso al quartiere governativo, così le unità avanzanti procedettero incolonnate seguendo uno schema caotico e disorganizzato. All’ingorgo si aggiunsero progressivamente elementi di altre unità, reparti sciolti e veicoli che, a causa di guasti lungo il tragitto, avevano dovuto fermarsi e adesso stavano recuperando terreno, cercando di riunirsi ai loro comandi. In breve, i reparti si confusero tra loro, perdendo la capacità di coordinarsi. Per ridurre la congestione della colonna l’81° venne diluito attraverso vie secondarie, delle quali i capireparto non possedevano mappe aggiornate. Giunti a pochi isolati dal Palazzo Presidenziale, i russi si trovarono nel bel mezzo di un’imboscata. I reparti a difesa dell’anello difensivo interno si attivarono improvvisamente, sommergendo i russi sotto una pioggia di proiettili. Basayev aveva atteso che l’81° Reggimento si fosse ben addentrato nel dedalo di strade che convergevano sul Palazzo Presidenziale, e una volta che le colonne federali si furono allungate sufficientemente fece attaccare i carri in testa ed in coda, paralizzando i tronconi centrali e scagliandogli contro i gruppi d’assalto armati di lanciagranate. Quei pochi reparti che riuscirono a manovrare si trovarono isolati e privi del supporto della fanteria, che era rimasta bloccata dal tiro dei cecchini. Impossibilitati a rispondere al fuoco proveniente dai piani alti degli edifici, i veicoli superstiti tentarono di chiudersi in un perimetro di difesa, ma finirono sotto una pioggia di RPG e vennero completamente distrutti. Le retrovie del Gruppo da Battaglia Nord, che arrivavano alla spicciolata, si trovarono davanti un brulicare di soldati terrorizzati che cercavano rifugio dietro alle carcasse incendiate dei loro veicoli. Il gruppo venne investito in pieno dalla controffensiva cecena. Alcuni reparti riuscirono a barricarsi nel quartiere ospedaliero, a qualche centinaio di metri a nord del Palazzo Presidenziale, ma per molti altri non ci fu scampo: privi della copertura aerea e del supporto dei mezzi corazzati, dovettero uscire allo scoperto e tentare la fuga, diventando facili bersagli per i cecchini. Entro sera i russi avevano già perduto una settantina di mezzi, e centinaia tra morti e feriti.

Anche la 131a Brigata, che fino alle 13:00 era avanzata senza incontrare forti resistenze, venne investita da un improvviso e violento contrattacco non appena raggiunse il suo obiettivo[4]. Alle 15:00 in punto la Stazione Ferroviaria divenne il bersaglio del tiro di centinaia di armi da fuoco e lanciagranate. Nel giro di 60 minuti i federali persero tredici carri armati e numerosi mezzi blindati. Il comandante della Brigata, Ivan Savin, guidò il ripiegamento delle unità all’interno della stazione, venendo ferito ad entrambe le gambe. Una volta dentro, Savin ordinò ai suoi uomini di trincerarsi, e chiamò in soccorso la riserva della brigata, che ancora non era entrata a Grozny e stazionava nei sobborghi a nord della città, agli ordini del Colonnello Andrievski. Nel frattempo la difesa cecena si attivava in tutti i settori nei quali erano penetrati i nemici. A metà del pomeriggio il caos si era impadronito dalla città, ormai trasformata in campo di battaglia[5].

Per tutta la notte i reparti superstiti dell’81° Reggimento e della 131a Brigata rimasero isolati, asserragliati nei loro ricoveri di fortuna. Il Ministro Grachev venne richiamato precipitosamente mentre stava festeggiando il suo quarantasettesimo compleanno. Giunto alla base di Mozdok, si rese conto del pasticcio che aveva combinato: non soltanto i suoi gruppi d’assalto non avevano effettuato il blitz, ma erano addirittura finiti in trappola. Alle 6:00 del 1° gennaio la retroguardia della 131a Brigata tentò un’incursione per liberare i compagni assediati. Una colonna di una quarantina di veicoli tentò di raggiungere la stazione, ma l’intenso fuoco ceceno impose ai russi di muoversi ai margini del centro abitato, lungo Via Majakovskij, nel tentativo di intercettare i binari e procedere parallelamente a questi, tenendo almeno un fianco al coperto. Non appena giunta nei pressi della linea ferroviaria, tuttavia, la colonna fu bloccata dall’esplosione dei veicoli di testa. Il Colonnello Adrievski fece appena in tempo ad invertire la rotta, prima che anche la coda della colonna finisse distrutta. Decise così di tornare indietro e percorrere una delle strade secondarie che correvano parallelamente ai binari, sperando di riuscire a superare il fuoco che i ceceni gli stavano vomitando addosso dai tetti dei palazzi e dagli scantinati. Giunto con i resti della sua unità all’incrocio antistante il piazzale della stazione, il reparto cadde in una seconda imboscata, durante la quale una granata colpì il veicolo del Colonnello Andrievski, uccidendolo. Privi di un comandante, i suoi uomini si trovarono immobilizzati mentre i ceceni facevano saltare il carro in testa e quello in coda, e procedevano poi a distruggere tutte le unità intrappolate all’interno. La fanteria, rimasta senza protezione, fu sterminata. Soltanto due carri, i cui equipaggi erano riusciti a divincolarsi tra le carcasse degli altri veicoli, riuscirono ad uscire dall’imboscata sfrecciando a tutta velocità verso la stazione ferroviaria, dove i carristi si barricarono insieme ai commilitoni che avrebbero dovuto soccorrere. Un altro carro, che era riuscito a guadagnare un’uscita sul lato opposto, finì contro gli argini del Sunzha e si inabissò.

Il piano di recupero era fallito in tragedia, ed il comando russo ordinò un secondo tentativo. Un distaccamento della 19a Divisione Motorizzata, avanguardia del Gruppo d’Assalto Ovest, tentò di raggiungere la stazione nella tarda mattinata, ma non riuscì a prendere contatto né con la prima colonna di soccorso, ormai distrutta, né con i resti della 131a. Finalmente alle 13:00 del 1 gennaio il comandate della Brigata Ivan Savin ottenne il permesso di tentare una sortita, mentre un terzo gruppo di soccorso, composto da reparti della 106a e della 76a Divisione Paracadutisti (il resto del Gruppo d’Assalto Ovest) avrebbe tentato di rompere l’accerchiamento. L’azione, già difficilissima di per sé a causa dei più di 60 feriti che Savin avrebbe dovuto trasportare mentre tentava la fuga, fu resa più difficoltosa dal fatto che al pari di tutti gli altri ufficiali, Savin non possedeva mappe dettagliate del quartiere circostante la stazione. Nel giro di un’oretta i fuggiaschi si persero, sbagliarono direzione ed invece che muoversi verso il Gruppo Ovest si lanciarono a tutta velocità verso Nord, ritrovandosi di fronte al Palazzo Presidenziale e venendo accolti da una pioggia di proiettili. Morirono praticamente tutti gli ufficiali, Savin compreso, mentre 76 coscritti finirono nelle mani dei ceceni[6]. La 131a Brigata venne completamente distrutta: dopo 24 ore di combattimenti aveva perduto 20 carri armati su 26, 112 veicoli su 120, 6 cannoni semoventi e praticamente tutto il personale combattente. Fu un disastro senza precedenti, aggravato dal fatto che, mentre i Gruppi di Battaglia Nord e Nord-ovest erano almeno riusciti a penetrare in città, i gruppi Est ed Ovest non erano nemmeno riusciti ad entrare nel centro abitato.

Il Gruppo di Battaglia Est, composto da elementi della 194a Divisione Paracadutisti e dal 129° Reggimento Motorizzato, da un distaccamento di paracadutisti dei corpi speciali e da un battaglione di carri armati aveva raggiunto con successo la base di Khankala, e respinto la controffensiva cecena. Ma alla vigilia dell’attacco il comandante della 194a si rifiutò di partecipare, dichiarando che il piano non era stato adeguatamente preparato e che sarebbe finito in una carneficina. Così al momento dell’offensiva si mosse solo il 129°, appoggiato da una colonna di carri armati. Anche questo contingente raggiunse con poche difficoltà il centro cittadino, ma all’altezza del ponte ferroviario sul Sunzha si trovò investito dal contrattacco degli uomini di Basayev. I russi persero buona parte dei loro veicoli tentando di trovare una strada alternativa e, non conoscendo il terreno di battaglia, passarono da un’imboscata all’altra senza riuscire a sganciarsi. Attestatisi in uno spiazzo, i superstiti organizzarono un perimetro difensivo, ma furono bombardati per errore dalla stessa aviazione federale, che mise fuori combattimento altri cinque veicoli ed aprì la strada al contrattacco degli indipendentisti. I russi si ritirarono alla rinfusa verso la base di Khankala, che raggiunsero soltanto alle 2 di notte del 1° gennaio, con i reparti ormai ridotti a brandelli. Nell’infruttuoso attacco erano caduti 150 uomini e la maggior parte dei veicoli era andata persa. Infine il Gruppo di Battaglia Ovest si mise in marcia in ritardo, riuscendo a raggiungere il quartiere residenziale con meno della metà degli effettivi e quando ormai gli altri tre gruppi erano stati bloccati e costretti a ritirarsi o ad asserragliarsi in posizioni di fortuna. Il Gruppo non riuscì a reggere il fuoco ceceno, e si dispose in posizione difensiva presso il Parco Lenin, tra il Palazzo Presidenziale e l’Ospedale dov’erano asserragliati i resti dell’81°. Nel giro di qualche ora fu chiaro che i reparti del Gruppo Ovest non avrebbero potuto muovere in nessuna direzione senza subire alte perdite.

L’unico Gruppo di Battaglia che riuscì a manovrare con compostezza fu il Nord – Est. Il suo comandante, il Tenente Generale Rochlin, fu l’unico che mantenne un ordine soddisfacente, avanzando senza fretta e preoccupandosi di mantenere sempre un contatto con le retrovie, senza ingolfare la testa della colonna e predisponendo coperture laterali per le sue unità. Fu grazie a lui se i reparti sbandati del Gruppo Nord, barricati nell’ospedale, riuscirono ad evitare la tremenda fine della 131a Brigata. Rochlin dispiegò i suoi reparti ad arco, assumendo corrette posizioni difensive e riuscendo a respingere l’attacco dei ceceni fino a tarda notte, costituendo una posizione d’appoggio dentro la città dalla quale poter fornire assistenza sia ai resti dell’81° arroccati nell’ospedale, sia agli altri reparti in ripiegamento che necessitavano di copertura. Fu solo grazie a lui se il fiasco dell’assalto di Capodanno non si tramutò in una completa disfatta. La resistenza degli uomini di Rochlin fu tuttavia facilitata dalla scelta, presumibilmente compiuta dallo stesso Generale, di barricare i suoi uomini nella struttura sanitaria, in quel momento piena di civili feriti e di personale medico, usandoli di fatto come scudi umani contro un possibile attacco ceceno. Si trattò di un crimine di guerra, nonché del primo di una serie di “sequestri ospedalieri” che avrebbero insanguinato la storia del conflitto ceceno[7]. Al “Blitz” parteciparono 6.000 uomini dell’esercito federale, appoggiati da 350 mezzi corazzati. Alla fine della giornata risultavano persi dai 534 (fonti russe) ai 1000 (fonti cecene) soldati e 200 veicoli, 20 dei quali erano stati recuperati dai difensori. Nelle mani dei ceceni rimanevano anche 81 prigionieri. Era stata la più sanguinosa battaglia urbana dalla Seconda Guerra Mondiale, e per i russi era stata una disfatta.

[1] Riguardo a questo, va specificato che l’idea di assegnare due equipaggi allo stesso velivolo, avanzata dal Comandante delle Forze Aeree federali, Colonnello Generale Piotr Deneikin, sbatté spesso contro la carenza di equipaggi in grado di garantire il servizio. Ciò produsse spesso incidenti anche mortali, con la perdita di uomini e velivoli, cosicché alle prime sortite con doppio equipaggio seguirono presto sortite classiche, con un solo equipaggio affidato al singolo velivolo da bombardamento.

[2] Nonostante l’enorme esodo di profughi da Grozny il centro cittadino era ancora pieno di civili, per la maggior parte russi etnici che non erano riusciti a sfollare in tempo, o che non avevano trovato appoggi nei villaggi di campagna. I bombardamenti federali, concentrati principalmente sul centro cittadino, finirono quindi per colpire prima di tutto gli abitanti di origine russa.

[3] Ilyas Akhmadov, presente in quella posizione, mi ha raccontato con queste parole quanto successe alla Casa della Stampa: Tutto era sotto il tiro dell’artiglieria pesante. […] C’era un comandante, non ricordo il suo nome, ma ha chiesto se qualcuno volesse farsi avanti per aiutare il nostro cecchino a trovare il cecchino russo che stava colpendo la nostra posizione. Mi sono offerto volontario e sono salito al nono piano con un Kalashnikov preso in prestito per proteggere il nostro cecchino. Proprio quando siamo arrivati in cima ricordo che il terreno sotto i miei piedi tremava violentemente. L’artiglieria stava colpendo il pavimento sotto di noi. […] L’edificio era per lo più vuoto, ma ogni tanto un ceceno correva al secondo o al terzo piano e sparava ai veicoli russi. […]. Inoltre, l’edificio era al centro di molti combattimenti e offriva una vista vantaggiosa in tre direzioni. Questo è probabilmente il motivo per cui i russi hanno lavorato così furiosamente per distruggerlo.

[4] Poco prima che le truppe federali finissero sotto il tiro dei lanciagranate ceceni, fu registrata una conversazione destinata a diventare tristemente famosa negli anni a seguire.La sua trascrizione è l’incipit di questo capitolo.

[5] Emblematiche sono le parole di Ilyas Akhmadov, che rievocando quei momenti descrisse così la situazione: Intorno alle 16, i cinque combattenti con cui ero salito sul camion e il civile che ci accompagnava si avviarono verso il Palazzo Presidenziale a circa 1,5 miglia di distanza. Ma, con l’inferno intorno a noi, era una distanza molto lunga. Era difficile capire dove fossero russi e ceceni. Puoi immaginare com’è quando metti 100 cani affamati in una gabbia, era la stessa cosa. […] Era un circo pazzo. I carri armati correvano in ogni direzione, disorientati. […] In ogni strada, i ceceni sfrecciavano con i lanciagranate e quando sentivano i carri armati gli correvano incontro per distruggerli. Ho visto una volta due gruppi ceceni litigare a pugni su chi aveva eliminato un carro armato e chi meritava il bottino all’interno. Era difficile capire chi avesse distrutto questo o quel carro armato perché c’erano ragazzi che sparavano su di loro da molti piani diversi, da diversi edifici e direzioni.

[6] I federali riuscirono a recuperare i corpi dei caduti soltanto il 23 Gennaio successivo. I loro pietosi resti, divorati dai cani randagi, furono rinvenuti ormai ridotti a scheletri. Il corpo di Savin, colpito a morte, giaceva accanto a quello di un medico, freddato da un cecchino mentre gli prestava soccorso.

[7] Questa circostanza è importante da ricordare allorché parleremo dei più celebri sequestri di Budennovsk e di Kizlyar. Contrariamente a quanto conosciuto ai più, il primo sequestro di civili in un ospedale fu, quindi, portato a termine dalle forze federali. Citando il libro Tribunale Internazionale per la Cecenia di Stanislav Dmitrevsky, Bogdan Gvraeli e Oksana Chelysheva: Così, durante l’assalto di Capodanno, in fuga dai membri delle formazioni armate cecene che difendevano la città, ufficiali e soldati dell’81° reggimento delle guardie hanno fatto irruzione nel territorio dell’ospedale di emergenza repubblicano e hanno preso in ostaggio i medici e i pazienti che si trovavano lì. Il comando ceceno ha avviato negoziati con loro, promettendo un corridoio sicuro in cambio del rilascio di civili. In quel frangente, secondo quanto riportato nella stessa opera, gli uomini di Rochlin si resero responsabili di un altro crimine di guerra: Il 3 gennaio 1995, subito dopo il primo assalto senza successo, un gruppo di residenti di Grozny fu catturato personalmente sotto la guida del generale Lev Rokhlin. Diverse persone sono state uccise, altre sono state caricate su veicoli e portate a Mozdok, dove sono state tenute in ostaggio in vagoni ferroviari. Alcuni di loro furono successivamente scambiati con soldati russi catturati in battaglia.

Approfondimento sulla Cecenia con Francesco Benedetti

Video 29 dicembre 2022 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

Francesco Benedetti è ospite del canale Youtube Economia Italia per un approfondimento sulla storia della Cecenia ed alcune riflessioni sulla situazioni attuale in Ucraina.

Il contenuto è disponibile quì

Visita la pagina di EconomiaItalia, abbonati e guarda il video:

https://www.youtube.com/@EconomiaItalia

Freedom or death! History of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria: The second volume in Italian is out today

11 dicembre 2022 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

The war in Ukraine started in Chechnya. It may seem like a provocation. Yet, this is the reality that the pages of this second volume reveal, entirely dedicated to the First Russo-Chechen War. The genesis, development and unfolding of this bloody conflict seem to be the draft of the script that the world has been witnessing in recent months between the Donbass and the Crimea.

Even then, as now, Russia invaded a free state, disguising the war it was waging behind the label of a “special operation.”

Even then, as now, the enemy of the Russian state had been labeled and demonized: if Zelensky and his government are called “Nazis” today, Dudayev and his ministers were then called “bandits”.

Even then, as today, convinced of their superiority, the military commands marched on the capital, claiming to bend a people to their will, as they had done several times in Soviet times. But even then, as now, they were forced to withdraw, only to unleash a bloody all-out war, the most devastating European war since 1945.

The First Russo-Chechen War was the first tragic product of Russian revanchism: the “zero point” of a parable that from Grozny leads to Kiev, passing through Georgia, Crimea, Belarus and Donbass. With one substantial difference: that the Russians lost that first war against Chechnya. Their imperial ambitions, resting on the worn foundations of a crumbling empire, ended up frustrated by the stubbornness of a nation immensely inferior in number and means, to that of Ukraine, which today defends its land from the war unleashed by Putin.

This story can teach those who have the patience to read it two important lessons: what happens when you indulge the ambitions of an empire, and how do you defeat it. If it is already too late to put the first into practice, we still have time for the second.

Purchase the volume here:

https://www.amazon.it/Libert%C3%A0-Storia-Repubblica-Cecena-Ichkeria/dp/B0BMSY666Y/ref=sr_1_4?crid=379QYOJIF1LQJ&keywords=libert%C3%A0+o+morte&qid=1670606213&sprefix=%2Caps %2C76&sr=8-4

Libertà o morte! Storia della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria – Esce oggi il secondo volume in italiano

11 dicembre 2022 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

La guerra in Ucraina è iniziata in Cecenia. Può sembrare una provocazione. Eppure, questa è la realtà che rivelano le pagine di questo secondo volume, interamente dedicato alla Prima Guerra Russo – Cecena. Genesi, sviluppo e svolgimento di questo sanguinoso conflitto sembrano la bozza del copione cui il mondo sta assistendo in questi mesi tra il Donbass e la Crimea.

Anche allora, come oggi, la Russia invase uno stato libero, mascherando la guerra che stava scatenando dietro alla definizione di “operazione speciale”.

Anche allora, come oggi, il nemico dello stato russo era stato etichettato e demonizzato: se Zelensky ed il suo governo sono chiamati oggi “nazisti”, Dudaev ed i suoi ministri furono chiamati allora “banditi”.

Anche allora, come oggi, convinti della loro superiorità, i comandi militari marciarono sulla capitale, pretendendo di piegare un popolo alla loro volontà, come avevano fatto più volte in epoca sovietica. Ma anche allora, come oggi, furono costretti a ritirarsi, per poi scatenare una sanguinosa guerra totale, la più devastante guerra europea dal 1945.

La Prima Guerra Russo – Cecena fu il primo tragico prodotto del revanscismo russo: il “punto zero” di una parabola che da Grozny porta a Kiev, passando dalla Georgia, dalla Crimea, dalla Bielorussia e dal Donbass. Con una differenza sostanziale: che quella prima guerra contro la Cecenia, i russi, la persero. Le loro ambizioni imperiali, poggiate sulle fondamenta logore di un impero fatiscente, finirono frustrate dalla caparbietà di una nazione immensamente inferiore per numero e per mezzi, a quella che ucraina, che oggi difende la sua terra dalla guerra scatenata da Putin.

Questa storia può impartire a chi avrà la pazienza di leggerla due importanti lezioni: cosa succede quando si assecondano le ambizioni di un impero, e come si fa a sconfiggerlo. Se è già tardi per mettere in pratica la prima, per la seconda siamo ancora in tempo.

Acquista il volume qui:

“Today we are a free nation!” Dudayev’s speech to the nation (December 31, 1993)

6 dicembre 2022 maceriadmin Lascia un commento

Another year of our life fades into the past, a year of great tests of the Chechen people’s endurance and steadfastness in defense of their won freedom. This year we celebrated the second anniversary of our bloodless revolution and independence. Having passed all the tests with dignity in the fight against internal and external enemies, we entered the third year, more stabilizing the political and economic situation, spiritually and morally strengthening, becoming more confident in an independent path of development of our statehood.

Looking back, summing up another year, we can say without a doubt that it was not in vain to strive for political independence. Our centuries-old history tells us that only political freedom and independence from anyone else is the guarantor of the peaceful life and prosperity of the nation. The vilest of all phenomena in the history of mankind is slavery and humility, against which our ancestors fought for centuries and bequeathed to their offspring not to abandon the freedom-loving spirit of the Vaynakh people.

We are well aware of the repeated attempts to destroy the gene pool of the Vaynakh nation under the Tsarist and then the Soviet-Communist empire. After centuries of persecutions and tragedies of the 19th century, 1944-1957, after the bloody massacre of Khaibach and after the hundreds of thousands of victims of the Soviet genocide, the Chechen people has nevertheless recovered, revived, preserving their national dignity, language and culture, although the Soviet totalitarian regime did everything to suppress his spirit, intimidate him and keep him in constant fear. The current generation skillfully uses the historical opportunity that has come their way to fulfill the dreams and aspirations of their ancestors.

The events that occurred after the collapse of the Soviet empire also show that sovereignty and independence are the only correct path chosen by the Chechen people. The intentions of the GKChP (if this coup succeeded) to repeat the 1944 public broadcast on television about the attack on our own parliament by large-caliber guns gives us another reason to reflect on whether we have done well, when we have decided two years ago to separate us from fascist Russia where it is not the laws that rule, but the attempts of each political group at the top of power, under the guise of a new “democracy”, to consolidate racism and fascism. For two years we have resisted a global blockade by the Russian authorities, their military invasion, internal confrontation of all kinds: sabotage, provocations, espionage. The whole world watches us with admiration. We are in his eyes an example and a model of courage, fortitude and love of freedom. And this spirit will never dry up among the Chechens. Yes, it’s hard for us. We have suffered setbacks, difficulties related to power structures that have not yet taken shape, lack of discipline, lack of organization, internal confrontation between destructive forces, criminal groups and mafias.

Many see only negative aspects in what is happening in Chechnya; disintegration, destruction, extremism, nationalism, etc. All this is actually a fiction. Is life easier in the CIS countries? Do those republics that have not separated from Russia feel calmer? Let’s remember the fate of our Ingush brothers, let’s look at what is happening in the neighboring republics and in Russia itself. There is an endless crisis: political, economic. The collapse of the economy, the impoverishment of a significant part of the population, rising prices, corruption and street crime, terrorism, the outflow of qualified personnel abroad. All branches of power are degrading, none of them are ready to cooperate with each other, none of them control the situation in the country. And with all this, seeing only our failures is, to put it mildly, simply not serious.

Despite all the obstacles posed, many positive steps were taken during the two years of independence to improve the political and economic situation of the republic. The people have breathed deeply for centuries the desired freedom. Fear and hypocrisy are gone forever. Many laws and resolutions have been passed to help stabilize the situation in Chechnya. Many practical steps are being taken to implement the government’s foreign and domestic policy agenda. Clear guidelines were outlined for the further development of the economy, for bringing the republic out of the crisis. We have no problem choosing the way to overcome the crisis. This path is clearly defined. The problem is only in our unity and harmony.

The stage of independent development has arrived, the main task of which is production and economic transformations, in which important structural and investment changes are expected to ensure the necessary market balance: rational use of our oil; urgent restructuring of all oil refineries to ensure a significant increase in oil refining, their technological re-equipment; solve the problem of creating new machine-building industries; make the rich reserves of raw materials productive for the production of building materials, use the enormous reserves of mountain fodder (for the production of livestock products), the development of which will allow to maintain 200 thousand heads of cattle and one million heads of sheep . Much attention will be paid to the construction of roads, residential buildings and stables, the laying of power and communication lines. A state program has been developed to improve soil fertility in the republic. The reconstruction and creation of enterprises for the processing of agricultural products, the introduction of technologies and the importation of equipment, the creation of a tourist and health complex are envisaged.

The chronic insolvability of many economic and social issues arouses feelings of dissatisfaction and pessimism in the population. This is a natural phenomenon and there is nothing to worry about. We have chosen a difficult road to freedom and we have no right to interrupt it. In the memory of the Chechen people, from generation to generation, the words spoken by their ancestors more than a hundred years ago are tenaciously preserved: “We plead guilty only before God and the Chechen people for not being able to restore the freedom granted to us by God”. And now the current generation of Chechens has managed to restore this freedom, to fulfill the precepts of their ancestors. And he’s determined to defend it until the end of his life, whatever the cost. These temporary hardships that have developed for all peoples on the territory of the former Soviet Empire are nothing compared to the shame and humiliation that the Chechen people have experienced for decades: sabotage of local authorities, violations of all kinds, policy of cruel staff that has provoked periodic protests, demonstrations demanding that the Ingush and Chechen be evicted again; refusal to hire Chechens to work in industrial enterprises and objects of strategic importance, in administrative bodies, prohibition of celebrating national and religious holidays; persecution and pressure on the intelligentsia; Gradual annihilation of the mother tongue in daily life; ban on studying the real history of the Vaynakhs. Here is a far from complete list of phenomena that have dishonored and humiliated this people.

Our goal of freedom and independence has been achieved. This should be appreciated and we should be proud of it. We are now building a sovereign democratic state based on the rule of law. There is no doubt that we will be able to accomplish this task too: unlike the Russian “democratic” state, where representatives of Caucasian nationalities are persecuted at every step, Chechens are terrorized, shot, deported from their homes, the authorities of the Chechen Republic will never allow anyone the slightest violation of the rights of a single person, no matter what nation he belongs to and no matter what god he prays to. All peoples inhabiting the republic are equal and worthy of respect and a better life.

The Chechen people have nothing to complain about or regret the previous regime, which left them with the highest infant mortality, unhealthiness and environmental pollution, the lowest life expectancy and the lowest standard of living. We don’t ask anyone for help. We ask and demand not to be disturbed.

DEAR CITIZENS OF THE CHECHEN REPUBLIC!

Our people are optimistic about their future, despite the intrigues of external and internal opponents against our sovereignty. We believe that sooner or later reason and wisdom will prevail in Russian leadership circles. We believe that the state flag of the Chechen Republic, which flies in front of the headquarters of the Unrepresented Peoples Organization, will soon be hoisted in front of the UN headquarters. We believe that PEACE, HEALTH and PROSPERITY will reign in long-suffering Chechnya. The Chechen state already has not only a history, but also a more real future. Vitality and strength, the ability to create and live with reason and talent – we confirmed ourselves in the most difficult tests of strength, building our state in the “mouth of a boa constrictor”.

Today we can proudly say that the desecrated honor has been restored and from yesterday’s homeless population, in the times of the USSR, today we are a free NATION.

LET THE END OF THE YEAR BRING WITH IT ALL OUR FRICTIONS, ALL OUR PROBLEMS!

HAPPY NEW YEAR TO YOU, DEAR COMPATRIOTS! WITH NEW HAPPINESS, WITH NEW SUCCESS AND GOOD HEALTH! MAY GOD HELP YOU!

Dzhokhar DUDAEV.

VERSIONE ITALIANA

“Oggi siamo una nazione libera!” Il Discorso di Dudaev alla nazione (31/12/1993)

Un altro anno della nostra vita sta svanendo nel passato, un anno di grandi prove di resistenza e fermezza del popolo ceceno in difesa della libertà conquistata. Quest’anno abbiamo celebrato il secondo anniversario della nostra rivoluzione e indipendenza senza sangue. Avendo resistito con dignità a tutte le prove nella lotta contro i nemici interni ed esterni, siamo entrati nel terzo anno, stabilizzando maggiormente la situazione politica ed economica, rafforzando spiritualmente e moralmente, diventando più fiduciosi su un percorso indipendente di sviluppo della nostra statualità.

Guardando indietro, riassumendo un altro anno, possiamo affermare senza ombra di dubbio che non è stato vano aspirare all’indipendenza politica. La nostra storia secolare ci dice che solo la libertà politica e l’indipendenza da chiunque altro è garante della vita pacifica e della prosperità della nazione. Il più vile di tutti i fenomeni nella storia dell’umanità è la schiavitù e l’umiltà, contro le quali i nostri antenati hanno combattuto per secoli e hanno lasciato in eredità alla loro progenie di non abbandonare lo spirito amante della libertà del popolo Vaynakh.

Siamo ben consapevoli dei ripetuti tentativi di distruggere il patrimonio genetico della nazione Vaynakh sotto l’impero zarista e poi sovietico-comunista. Dopo secoli di persecuzioni e tragedie del XIX secolo, 1944-1957, dopo il sanguinoso massacro di Khaibach e dopo le centinaia di migliaia di vittime del genocidio sovietico, il popolo ceceno si è comunque risollevato, ravvivato, conservando la propria dignità nazionale, lingua e cultura, sebbene il regime totalitario sovietico abbia fatto di tutto per sopprimere il suo spirito, intimidirlo e tenerlo in costante paura. L’attuale generazione usa abilmente l’occasione storica che le è capitata per realizzare i sogni e le aspirazioni dei suoi antenati.

Gli eventi occorsi dopo il crollo dell’impero sovietico mostrano anche che la sovranità e l’indipendenza sono l’unica strada corretta scelta dal popolo ceceno. Le intenzioni del GKChP (se questo colpo di stato fosse riuscito) di ripetere il 1944, la trasmissione pubblica in televisione riguardo l’attacco al nostro stesso parlamento da cannoni di grosso calibro ci danno un altro motivo per riflettere se abbiamo fatto bene, quando abbiamo deciso due anni fa di separarci dalla Russia fascista dove non comandano le leggi, ma i tentativi di ogni gruppo politico che si trova al vertice del potere, sotto le spoglie di una nuova “democrazia”, di consolidare razzismo e fascismo. Per due anni abbiamo resistito a un blocco globale da parte delle autorità russe, alla loro invasione militare, al confronto interno di ogni genere: sabotaggio, provocazioni, spionaggio. Il mondo intero ci guarda con ammirazione. Siamo ai suoi occhi un esempio e un modello di coraggio, fortezza e amore per la libertà. E questo spirito non si inaridirà mai tra i ceceni.Sì, è difficile per noi. Abbiamo subito battute d’arresto, difficoltà legate a strutture di potere che non hanno ancora preso forma, mancanza di disciplina, mancanza di organizzazione, confronto interno tra forze distruttive, gruppi criminali e mafiosi.

Molti vedono solo aspetti negativi in ciò che sta accadendo in Cecenia; disintegrazione, distruzione, estremismo, nazionalismo, ecc. Tutto questo è in realtà una finzione. La vita è forse più facile nei paesi della CSI? Quelle repubbliche che non si sono separate dalla Russia si sentono più tranquille? Ricordiamo il destino dei nostri fratelli ingusci, guardiamo cosa sta succedendo nelle repubbliche vicine e nella stessa Russia. C’è una crisi senza fine: politica, economica. Il collasso dell’economia, l’impoverimento di una parte significativa della popolazione, l’aumento dei prezzi, la corruzione e la criminalità di strada, il terrorismo, il deflusso di personale qualificato all’estero. Tutti i rami del potere si stanno degradando, nessuno di essi è pronto a collaborare con gli altri, nessuno di loro controlla la situazione nel Paese. E con tutto questo, vedere solo i nostri fallimenti è, per usare un eufemismo, semplicemente non serio.

Nonostante tutti gli ostacoli posti, durante i due anni di indipendenza sono stati fatti molti passi positivi per migliorare la situazione politica ed economica della repubblica. Il popolo ha respirato a pieni polmoni per secoli la libertà desiderata. La paura e l’ipocrisia sono sparite per sempre. Molte leggi e risoluzioni sono state adottate per aiutare a stabilizzare la situazione in Cecenia. Si stanno compiendo molti passi pratici per attuare il programma di politica estera e interna del governo. Sono state delineate chiare linee guida per l’ulteriore sviluppo dell’economia, per far uscire la repubblica dalla crisi. Non abbiamo problemi a scegliere il modo per superare la crisi. Questo percorso è chiaramente definito. Il problema è solo nella nostra unità e armonia.

È arrivata la fase dello sviluppo indipendente, il cui compito principale è la produzione e le trasformazioni economiche, in cui sono attesi importanti cambiamenti strutturali e di investimenti per garantire il necessario equilibrio del mercato: uso razionale del nostro petrolio; ristrutturazione urgente di tutte le raffinerie di petrolio per garantire un significativo aumento della raffinazione del petrolio, il loro riequipaggiamento tecnologico; risolvere il problema della creazione di nuove industrie per la costruzione di macchinari; rendere produttive le ricche riserve di materie prime per la produzione di materiali da costruzione, utilizzare le enormi riserve di foraggi di montagna (per la produzione di prodotti zootecnici), il cui sviluppo consentirà di mantenere 200mila capi di bestiame e un milione di capi di pecore. Molta attenzione sarà dedicata alla realizzazione di strade, edifici residenziali e stalle, alla posa di linee elettriche e di comunicazione. È stato sviluppato un programma statale per migliorare la fertilità del suolo nella repubblica. Sono previste la ricostruzione e la realizzazione di imprese per la lavorazione dei prodotti agricoli, l’introduzione di tecnologie e l’importazione di attrezzature, la creazione di un complesso turistico e sanitario.

L’irrisolvibilità cronica di molte questioni economiche e sociali suscita nella popolazione sentimenti di insoddisfazione e pessimismo. Questo è un fenomeno naturale e non c’è nulla di cui preoccuparsi. Abbiamo scelto una strada difficile verso la libertà e non abbiamo il diritto di interromperla. Nella memoria del popolo ceceno, di generazione in generazione, si conservano tenacemente le parole pronunciate dai loro antenati più di cento anni fa: «Ci dichiariamo colpevoli solo davanti a Dio e al popolo ceceno per non aver saputo restituire la libertà concessaci da Dio”. E ora l’attuale generazione di ceceni è riuscita a ripristinare questa libertà, ad adempiere ai precetti dei loro antenati. Ed è determinato a difenderlo fino alla fine della sua vita, a qualunque costo. Queste difficoltà temporanee che si sono sviluppate per tutti i popoli sul territorio dell’ex impero sovietico non sono nulla in confronto alla vergogna e all’umiliazione che il popolo ceceno ha vissuto per decenni: sabotaggio delle autorità locali, violazioni di ogni tipo, politica del personale crudele che ha provocato proteste periodiche, manifestazioni nelle quali si è chiesto che ingusci e ceceni fossero sfrattati di nuovo; rifiuto di assumere ceceni per lavorare presso imprese industriali e oggetti di importanza strategica, negli organi amministrativi, divieto di celebrare feste nazionali e religiose; persecuzione e pressioni sull’’intellighenzia; Annientamento graduale della lingua madre nella vita quotidiana; divieto di studiare la vera storia dei Vaynakh. Ecco un elenco tutt’altro che completo di fenomeni che hanno disonorato e umiliato questo popolo.

Il nostro obiettivo di libertà e indipendenza è stato raggiunto. Questo dovrebbe essere apprezzato e di questo dovremmo essere orgogliosi. Ora stiamo costruendo uno stato democratico sovrano e di diritto. Non c’è dubbio che saremo in grado di portare a termine anche questo compito: a differenza dello Stato “democratico” russo, dove i rappresentanti delle nazionalità caucasiche sono perseguitati a ogni passo, i ceceni sono terrorizzati, fucilati, deportati dalle loro case, le autorità della Repubblica cecena non permetteranno mai a nessuno la minima violazione dei diritti di una singola persona, non importa a quale nazione appartenga e non importa quale dio preghi. Tutti i popoli che abitano la repubblica sono uguali e degni di rispetto e di una vita migliore.

Il popolo ceceno non ha nulla di cui lamentarsi o rimpiangere il precedente regime, il quale ha lasciato loro la più alta mortalità infantile, insalubrità e inquinamento ambientale, la più bassa aspettativa di vita e il più basso tenore di vita. Non chiediamo aiuto a nessuno. Chiediamo ed esigiamo di non essere disturbati.

CARI CITTADINI DELLA REPUBBLICA CECENA!

Il nostro popolo è ottimista riguardo al proprio futuro, nonostante gli intrighi degli oppositori esterni e interni contro la nostra sovranità. Crediamo che prima o poi la ragione e la saggezza prevarranno nei circoli della leadership russa. Crediamo che la bandiera di stato della Repubblica Cecena, che sventola davanti alla sede dell’Organizzazione dei Popoli Non Rappresentati, sarà presto issata davanti alla sede delle Nazioni Unite. Crediamo che PACE, SALUTE e PROSPERITÀ regneranno nella longanime Cecenia. Lo Stato ceceno ha già non solo una storia, ma anche un futuro più reale. Vitalità e forza, capacità di creare e vivere con ragione e talento: ci siamo confermati nelle più difficili prove di forza, costruendo il nostro stato nella “bocca di un boa constrictor”.

Oggi possiamo affermare con orgoglio che l’onore profanato è stato ripristinato e dalla popolazione senzatetto di ieri, ai tempi dell’URSS, oggi siamo una NAZIONE libera.

LASCIATE CHE L’ANNO CHE FINISCE PORTI CON SE TUTTI I NOSTRI ATTRITI, TUTTI I NOSTRI PROBLEMI!

BUON ANNO A VOI, CARI COMPATRIOTI! CON NUOVA FELICITÀ, CON NUOVO SUCCESSO E BUONA SALUTE! CHE DIO VI AIUTI!

Dzhokhar DUDAEV.