A few days ago Francesco Benedetti met Inna Kurochkina in Florence. The interview that emerged takes up the speeches addressed in another chat, which took place more or less a year ago, shortly before Russia invaded Ukraine. In the course of this year many things have changed, Francis’ work has moved forward and with it his awareness of how important the history of Chechnya is for the West.
We reproduce the video of the interview, attaching the transcript in English.
ENGLISH TRANSCRIPTION
First of all I would like to congratulate you from all visitors, subscribers who have already read your first volume. From today it is possible to have this second volume. How is it possible to have it?
First of all thanks to you, and thanks to all those who appreciated the first volume, and who gave me this consideration. The book is currently available in Italian, on Amazon, but will soon be available in English, thanks to the collaboration of Orts Akhmadov, son of Ilyas Akhmadov, who is working with me on the English version, and will soon also be available in Russian and Chechen, as for the first volume.
The other time we met and talked about your book was December 2021 and perhaps we were expecting war, this tragedy. Then we met in Brussels on the first day of the war, when both we and you met Akhmed Zakayev for the first time. With your help we attended some Radicali Italiani events, these very good people who organized Akhmed Zakayev’s visit to Italy, so somehow you are involved in our activities and in Ichkeria’s. How has your life changed during this year?
I have certainly had more real experiences with respect to this theme. I was a simple student of the history of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, but my experience was purely theoretical, abstract, not concrete, material. Since that day I have had the opportunity to speak with many people, and this second book is also written thanks to the memoirs of about a hundred people with whom I have spoken. Thus, my knowledge of that historical experience and of the human experience of the Chechens has grown enormously. From February to today I have given faces, names and lives to an experience that for me until then had only been theoretical.
You and I are working on the history of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, because I am also doing a cycle of chronicles. Do you understand the expression “in your skin”? How did you feel firsthand how the war was coming to Chechnya?
One of the questions I ask myself while studying the history of Chechnya, and in particular when studying this period, was “how would I have felt if I had found myself in that situation?” And I ask myself this question almost every day, because my study is based on the memories of the people I interview, and my interviews focus precisely on this aspect of every historical event: naturally I ask for information, names, dates, etc., but the first question I asked in almost every interview was “how did you feel at that moment?” “How did you spend the period between 26 November and 11 December (the time between the storming of Grozny by the pro-Russian opposition and the invasion). Personally, I try every day to imagine what the feelings of the people waiting for the war were, what they were thinking: their children, their families, how to save their families, how to save their things, their money, their cars, their homes. An event like this can completely destroy life, change people’s lives forever. I think I’m quite an empathic person, and I assure you that writing this book I suffered a lot. Like any author, I often re-read the book I’ve read, and every time I have the same feeling of tragedy on the one hand, and admiration on the other for those people who survived the war, in this case managing to win it, against their invaders .
I would like to understand how you frame the nature of the Chechen people. I was born in Georgia, I’m Ukrainian. I would like to work for the Georgian people, or for the Chechen people, but my whole heart now belongs to the Chechen people, I don’t know why. How could you describe your feeling towards the Chechen people? Because if you fell in love with this people, you did it because you have a passion in you.
I understand what you think because, when I think about it, what happened to me is really strange. I live in Tuscany, and I have no family, economic or any other connection with Chechnya. Yet ever since I was a child, something happened the first time I heard the name “Chechnya”. I don’t know exactly what, an elective affinity that has grown inside me, and I don’t know exactly why.
What I love about the Chechen people about this story is their ability to show happiness in tragedy. In them I have seen people who don’t want to be considered victims, but people who manage to find the beauty of life in everything. They have shown the world how to laugh in the face of death, and how to preserve humanity even in a situation which, if I imagine myself in their place, would strip humanity away from me as well. If a war destroyed my life maybe I’d go crazy. I have spoken to many people who have fought a war and have not gone mad, but rather have kept their kindness, their being good people. I don’t know if I would be able to keep these qualities in myself, fighting a war. I think this character trait of the Chechens is beautiful: the fact that they have managed to keep their happiness and will to live despite going through such bitter experiences.
Knowing this special character trait of this people, let’s think about how much Russia has gone to destroy them. It’s a biblical story for me. What do you think about it?
When a bully tries to hit a victim, and the victim smiles at him, the bully will become even more angry, but will ultimately be defeated by his victim’s resilience. In this sense I loved the struggle of the Chechens who showed the Russians that their spirit would never break.
In this last year we realized that the Ukrainians didn’t understand what the war in Chechnya was, just like the Russians they didn’t care about it. Now they have understood, and the Ukrainian parliament has recognized the independence, the state of occupation and the genocide of the Chechen people. What needs to happen for even Russian liberals to understand this tragedy? In their view of life there is no Chechen war and no Chechen tragedy, and of course there is no Ichkeria. What do you think?
I think Russian liberals are also part of the Russian empire. Maybe they want a “liberal empire”? Maybe it’s nonsense. I don’t think that in this sense there is much difference between the radical parties and the moderate or liberal ones. Everyone wants the same thing: to strengthen the empire, in one form or another. Maybe Russian liberals don’t want to fight the war in Ukraine, but they also don’t want to lose the integrity of their empire. I don’t see anything strange in this. I’m more used to studying and reading the news of another empire, the American one, and the liberals of the American empire are no less angry and aggressive than the nationalists. Citizens of an empire grow up thinking the only way to preserve the country is to stick together and squash any dissonant voices.
I was very surprised by your “hobby”. I’m going to show snippets from one of your band’s videos, which is called “Inner Code”. Tell me about this song about empire. I’m so surprised because you’re from Florence, we can’t relate the concept of “empire” with the city of Rome, which is so beautiful.
Rome in this song is the archetype of the empire. When we think of the Roman Empire we think of the empire by definition. The Russian Empire itself is inspired by the Roman Empire. The word “Tsar” is the translation of the Latin “Caesar”, the Kaiser of the German Empire is the Germanic translation of “Caesar”, and so on. “He will burn Rome” speaks of the fall of Rome, but by extension it speaks of the fall of all empires. No matter how big and strong, every empire will fall sooner or later. When I listen to this song I find a connection with the story we are talking about, being a story that can work with any empire, even the Russian one. However, I recommend listening to the song at a low volume!
[…]
Basically, everything we are talking about revolves around the word “Freedom”. You are a free person in all respects, as I see. Do you see the freedom of Ichkeria under attack? Do you think the imperial forces, the FSB , want to cancel this goal of freedom? We perceive these attacks, for example those that are being carried out against Akhmed Zakayev, a person who is a symbol of freedom of Ichkeria. Do you perceive these attacks from Italy?
I guess this behavior is consistent with the situation. I have an indirect perception of this, because unfortunately Italian newspapers don’t report much on what is happening in Chechnya or in the Chechen diaspora. However, having some contact with members of the Chechen diaspora due to my studies, I imagine that these people are talking about present and future plans to achieve independence and freedom for Chechnya and sometimes they do it in heated discussions, or getting angry. I speak as an Italian, I don’t think I have the right to tell the Chechens what they have to do. Only, seeing what is happening in the Chechen diaspora from the outside, I notice that there are “unresolved issues” and it is possible that the FSB , or anyone who does not want an independent Chechnya, could emphasize these divisions on the pro-independence front to weaken it. I hope people don’t fall into this trap. I don’t know if Chechnya’s independence is far or near, but it is important that at every step we find ourselves in the best condition to gather all our strength together to win freedom.
In recent months, also thanks to you and to the Italian Radicals (I am thinking of the meeting in Rome between Zakayev and Benedetto della Vedova, the speech to the Italian parliament, the recognition of Ichkeria by the Ukrainian parliament, the just finished speech by Zakayev at the European Parliament etc.) we have seen an evolution in the proposal of the government of Ichkeria. In Brussels, Zakayev presented a project for the reconstitution of the Republic of the Mountain, established in 1918 and dissolved by the Bolsheviks, and which Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Dzhokhar Dudaev at the time wanted to reconstitute in the 1990s. Now Zakayev is carrying out this idea, this project, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Inal Sharip has gone to Washington DC and is presenting it there. As a historian, do you think this project of the Mountain Republic is safer, more feasible than independent Chechnya? Do you think Chechnya alone could survive its monstrous neighbors?
I think creating a confederation is very difficult, but if it is led by a strong center, it can multiply the strength of every single member. If the confederation is a simple sum of subjects I don’t think it will last long. An example can be that of the European Union: a sum of countries, but its strength is not equivalent to the sum of the forces that compose it. Because each country defends its interests, and this is a problem because a state built like this cannot resist the forces of countries like the United States, Russia, China. The problem with our confederation is that we don’t have a center, a nation that holds all the others together. And every time one of the European nations takes supremacy, the others fight against it. So our European confederation is politically weak. If the Chechens want to lead a confederation they don’t have to do it like the Europeans did. If they are credible enough to attract other nations into a confederation of which they are the centre, not as an imperial centre, but as the place of those who believe most of all in this project, and who are ready to sacrifice themselves for it more than the others to keep everyone together, then I think this is a political project that can last. Like, for example, the United States, which is a confederacy that, after some major problems, has become the most powerful nation on earth. A confederation, therefore, can last, but you need a center that has the credibility and strength to hold all the others together, not by force but by setting an example. I think the Chechens have shown the world great examples more than once.
In 1997 Russia and Chechnya signed a peace treaty which was later betrayed. What do you think about the desire of the world community to persuade Ukraine to sign a similar treaty with Russia?
Looking at history, it is perfectly understood that the real value of documents depends on whether or not they reflect the real situation. In 1997 Russia signed a peace treaty, but while it was signing it was preparing its second invasion. In my opinion, if he now accepts a compromise with Russia, this compromise will in no case fix any situation, because I don’t think the Russians would be satisfied, and neither would the Ukrainians. I believe that a compromise now would only be a way of moving the war forward by three or four years. I believe that this is a moment in which it is necessary to solve a problem that was born in Chechnya. In a wonderful review by Adriano Sofri, an Italian who knows Chechnya well, and who wrote a wonderful article on this book, he says that what happened in Ukraine is a remake of what happened in Chechnya and Georgia, and that Ukraine is the end of a line that starts in Chechnya. It is time to break this line once and for all, otherwise we will have to add another point to this line in four or five years. As a European I reflect on the fact that this line does not go away from Europe, but from Chechnya towards Europe. The next point will be even closer to our home, not further away. I think Europe should think about this. If they don’t stop this process now, they will face it again even closer to home.
Francesco Benedetti è ospite del canale Youtube Economia Italia per un approfondimento sulla storia della Cecenia ed alcune riflessioni sulla situazioni attuale in Ucraina.
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La guerra in Ucraina è iniziata in Cecenia. Può sembrare una provocazione. Eppure, questa è la realtà che rivelano le pagine di questo secondo volume, interamente dedicato alla Prima Guerra Russo – Cecena. Genesi, sviluppo e svolgimento di questo sanguinoso conflitto sembrano la bozza del copione cui il mondo sta assistendo in questi mesi tra il Donbass e la Crimea.
Anche allora, come oggi, la Russia invase uno stato libero, mascherando la guerra che stava scatenando dietro alla definizione di “operazione speciale”.
Anche allora, come oggi, il nemico dello stato russo era stato etichettato e demonizzato: se Zelensky ed il suo governo sono chiamati oggi “nazisti”, Dudaev ed i suoi ministri furono chiamati allora “banditi”.
Anche allora, come oggi, convinti della loro superiorità, i comandi militari marciarono sulla capitale, pretendendo di piegare un popolo alla loro volontà, come avevano fatto più volte in epoca sovietica. Ma anche allora, come oggi, furono costretti a ritirarsi, per poi scatenare una sanguinosa guerra totale, la più devastante guerra europea dal 1945.
La Prima Guerra Russo – Cecena fu il primo tragico prodotto del revanscismo russo: il “punto zero” di una parabola che da Grozny porta a Kiev, passando dalla Georgia, dalla Crimea, dalla Bielorussia e dal Donbass. Con una differenza sostanziale: che quella prima guerra contro la Cecenia, i russi, la persero. Le loro ambizioni imperiali, poggiate sulle fondamenta logore di un impero fatiscente, finirono frustrate dalla caparbietà di una nazione immensamente inferiore per numero e per mezzi, a quella che ucraina, che oggi difende la sua terra dalla guerra scatenata da Putin.
Questa storia può impartire a chi avrà la pazienza di leggerla due importanti lezioni: cosa succede quando si assecondano le ambizioni di un impero, e come si fa a sconfiggerlo. Se è già tardi per mettere in pratica la prima, per la seconda siamo ancora in tempo.
A seguito del riconoscimento della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria da parte del Parlamento ucraino, il Primo Ministro Akhmed Zakayev si è rivolto ai Radicali Italiani per ringraziarli del loro sostegno. Nel Giugno scorso i Radicali avevano organizzato una visita a Roma per il Primo Ministro ceceno, durante la quale era stato ricevuto in via ufficiale dal Sottosegretario di Stato agli Esteri Benedetto della Vedova.
Ai nostri amici italiani di Radicali Italiani
A Silvja Manzi e Igor Boni
A Benedetto della Vedova e Riccardo Magi
18 ottobre 2022
Oggi il Parlamento ucraino ha riconosciuto la Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria. Si tratta di un gesto molto più che formale: il popolo ucraino ha riconosciuto nella nostra battaglia la sua stessa battaglia, nelle nostre sofferenze le sue stesse sofferenze, nel nostro destino il suo stesso destino. Non potrà mai esserci libertà per nessuno, finché un solo popolo, e addirittura un solo uomo, dovrà subire la schiavitù.
Oggi gli Ucraini combattono per la loro indipendenza, così come i ceceni fanno ormai da ventidue lunghi anni. L’Europa, che prima non aveva capito l’importanza della nostra battaglia, oggi comincia a riconoscere che la guerra che oggi si combatte sulle sponde del Dnepr e nel Donbass è iniziato molti anni prima, quando la Russia ha preteso di piegare il nostro spirito spezzando i corpi dei nostri fratelli, dei nostri bambini, con i cingoli dei suoi carri armati.
In questo giorno così importante per la nostra nazione, che segna il primo, concreto passo verso la riconquista della nostra libertà dall’oppressione, rivolgo a voi, che in tutto questo avete creduto fin dall’inizio, il mio sentito ringraziamento per il sostegno che avete dato, e che continuate dare, alla nostra lotta. Spero che la purezza dei vostri ideali possa illuminare le coscienze di tutti gli uomini liberi.
Sarete benvenuti come fratelli nella Cecenia libera.
Akhmed Zakaev,
Primo Ministro della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria
ENGLISH VERSION
Following the recognition of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria by the Ukrainian Parliament, Prime Minister Akhmed Zakayev addressed the Italian Radicals to thank them for their support. Last June the Radicals had organized a visit to Rome for the Chechen Prime Minister, during which he was officially received by the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs Benedetto della Vedova.
To our Italian friends of Radicali Italiani
To Silvja Manzi and Igor Boni
To Benedetto della Vedova and Riccardo Magi
October 18, 2022
Today the Ukrainian Parliament recognized the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. It is a much more than formal gesture: the Ukrainian people recognized their own battle in our battle, their own sufferings in our sufferings, their own destiny in our destiny. There can never be freedom for anyone, as long as a single people, and even a single man, has to suffer slavery.
Today the Ukrainians are fighting for their independence, just as the Chechens have been fighting for twenty-two long years now. Europe, which previously did not understand the importance of our battle, is now beginning to recognize that the war being fought today on the banks of the Dnieper and in the Donbass began many years earlier, when Russia tried to bend our spirit. breaking the bodies of our brothers, of our children, with the tracks of his tanks.
On this very important day for our nation, which marks the first concrete step towards regaining our freedom from oppression, I extend to you, who have believed in all this from the beginning, my heartfelt thanks for the support that you have given, and continue to dare, to our struggle. I hope that the purity of your ideals can enlighten the consciences of all free men.
You will be welcome as brothers in free Chechnya.
Akhmed Zakaev,
Prime Minister of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria
Idigov Ahyad : Thank you for inviting the Chechen delegation to your meeting. President Aslan Maskhadov sent me here, realizing the importance of a political solution of the conflict in relations with Russia with the direct participation of the West in this process, we consider the work of the OWG as the beginning of the work to achieve peace with the participation of these three parties, without which it is not possible to achieve stability in general and in perspective. Of course, a significant disadvantage of the formation of the Joint Working Group, according to the PACE decision, is that today, under the pretext that the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, in violation of international law, is an unrecognized state, our parliamentarians do not have been included in this important international body. If there are militarily opposing entities, the denial of the right of one of them to participate in the peace process is an unacceptable discrimination, in our case this happens in relation to the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. We hope that the misunderstanding will be corrected soon. We have already presented proposals from the Chechen side to PACE on this.
As we know, the OWG should contribute to the implementation of resolutions no. 1444 and n. 1456 of 2000. and resolution no. 1221 of the same year, as well as some similar documents adopted at other times on the military situation in Chechnya. The resolutions call for peace between the belligerents and also indicate that Russia, a member of the Council of Europe, should follow the principles of this organization and not hesitate to find a political solution to the question. At the same time, they also ask the Chechen side for political dialogue, expressing protest against terrorism and extremism. You know that the president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria Maskhadov has declared his willingness to sit at the negotiating table, following the deliberations of the PACE , without any preconditions. However, this political process of peaceful settlement of the issue is interrupted by the Russian Federation-Russia. We ask: what will we do next? Will we call those who disturb the order in the European home to order, or will we say: “Everything is lawful for Russia”? This may therefore mean that the Council of Europe grants permission for violations of a similar nature to all other states. This may also mean that the Council of Europe no longer follows its basic principles.
Parliamentary gentlemen! The Chechen Republic of Ichkeria is part of Europe. More than 40 European commissions have visited Chechnya since the beginning of the second Russo-Chechen war. What have they done? Nothing has been done, people have been killed, tortured in concentration camps and all this is continuing …
I take this opportunity to hand over to the Secretary General of PACE Haller Bruno a document with my powers from President A. Maskhadov . Here too I offer a statement by the president of my country, Aslan Maskhadov , on the situation in and around Chechnya. In the statement, as can be seen, there are proposals on the world negotiation process between the Chechen Republic-Ichkeria and the Russian Federation-Russia. I am pleased to have the opportunity to present to you the legislative basis for the formation of the Chechen state since the collapse of the USSR. Along with this, I will try to present to you our vision of a way out of the deadlock in relations between Chechnya and Russia. All of this is of fundamental importance to us, since Russian propaganda brings false information to the whole world about the alleged illegality of the Chechen government’s actions.
Before the collapse of the Soviet Union (December 1991), the autonomous republics were transformed into union republics on April 26, 1990, in accordance with the law on the delimitation of powers between the USSR and the subjects of the Federation. And they began to be called the autonomous republics: the Soviet Socialist Republic of North Ossetia, the Soviet Dagestan, the Kalmyk Soviet Socialist Republic , etc. Thus, the republics that formed the USSR became – 35 (15 + 20). At the same time, almost simultaneously, the USSR recognized the independence of the three Baltic republics (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia). The Chechen Republic was the one which, in addition to being renamed a trade union republic, also adopted all the attributes of an independent state. And he completed this process with the adoption of the Constitution on March 12, 1992. Everything was rigorously verified with international law, the laws of the RSFSR and the USSR. Declaration on State Sovereignty of the RSFSR of 12 June 1990.
And on March 31, 1992, when the Federal Treaty on the formation of a new state of the Russian Federation was signed – Russia between the RSFSR and the new union republics of the USSR, Chechnya did not participate in it.
On March 12, 1992, the Chechen Republic adopted a new constitution for an independent democratic state. All these processes took place in a coherent and peaceful way, although times were turbulent. Of course, they debated whether it was necessary to act in this way, because everyone in the world knows that Chechnya was included in the Russian Empire due to the colonial war. But the point was that the Russian empire – the USSR had collapsed. This gave them the right to self-determination. The very idea of independence was born because it is so far the only known mechanism in the world through which more or less all people can guarantee their safety. This is the main reason why the Chechen people were guided in choosing the right to build their own independent state.
After the end of the game in the “legal state” in the Russian Federation, the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR was dissolved in October 1993. The new constitution of the Russian Federation was adopted illegally, arbitrarily inscribing an independent Chechen state! Basically, a “rule” was established in the constitution of the Russian Federation-Russia, which made it possible to wage war against an entire people, which is contrary to international law. It became clear that the new Russian Federation-Russia had deviated from the legal norms it was supposed to follow. Everything proceeded according to a new circle of imperial traditions, and this required the image of the enemy. The authorities have chosen the Chechen people as guilty of all the problems and shortcomings in the Russian Federation-Russia. And it will serve (according to them) as a unifying principle in the rebirth of the empire.
Hence the provocations of the Russian special services against the Chechen Republic until 1995, to start the first war, the explosions of houses in Moscow and other cities in the period 1996-1999, to start the second phase of the war. The Russian government needs war, so it continues to maintain the military situation in Chechnya, so the Russian Federation-Russia does not seek peace and refuses it to the West, which here wants stability in order to obtain favorable conditions for investments. But the Russian Federation-Russia is against it, so the war will continue until it becomes unprofitable for the Kremlin leadership, or until the West seriously demands an end to the genocide of the Chechen people and the establishment of peace on the basis of international law.
This is where, in our view, the roots of this bloody war lie. Any other peace-seeking method, regardless of the above, is doomed to fail early, as it provokes a new round of warfare, which plays into the game of the Russian army and Moscow itself as a whole. Flirting with numerous third and fourth forces means ignoring the resolution of the question of centuries of confrontation, which begins a new cycle of empire rebirth. And all this is an attempt to escape the solution of the problem of stability in the Caucasus. If the OWG can focus its attention on the areas that President Maskhadov talks about in his statement, the work of this respected international group of parliamentarians can be effective.
At the same time, we recognize that in all actions taken by the Chechen side to seek peace, there may be errors. In the course of the hostilities caused by the Russian aggression against Chechnya, there may be violations by the Chechen defense forces, and we do not approve of that. However, I would like to express myself on this in the words of Lohman Dietrich (Human Rights Watch), who gave a conference in the English Parliament on 28 February this year, in which I attended, as well as Lord Judd, who is here. These words were as follows: “The number of violations by Chechen fighters is negligible compared to what Russian troops are doing.”
I’m trying to talk about the fundamental things that everything else depends on.
How the OWG will act: the near future will show it and our collaboration with you in the future will depend on it. I wish it were fruitful and useful ….
Furthermore, Mr. Idigov spoke about the work done by the Parliament and the President of Chechnya in search of peace. On the creation and functioning in England of the “International Campaign for Peace and Human Rights in Chechnya” … He outlined the position of President A. Maskhadov and the Parliament on the events taking place in Chechnya.
Nei giorni in cui viene pubblicato questo articolo la guerra tra Russia e Ucraina è in pieno svolgimento. E’ notizia di poche settimane fa il ritrovamento di decine di cadaveri lungo le strade e in una fossa comune nella cittadina di Bucha. Secondo il sindaco della cittadina le vittime sarebbero centinaia, uccise a sangue freddo dai militari russi in ritirata e abbandonate sul luogo dell’esecuzione. Sono state riportate anche testimonianze riguardanti strupri, saccheggi e devastazioni. La tragedia, se confermata, non sarebbe tuttavia la prima a vedere le forze armate russe responsabili di atrocità e crimini di guerra. Il triste copione di Bucha è stato più volte realizzato in Cecenia, sia durante la Prima che durante la Seconda Guerra Russo – Cecena. E in questi casi la responsabilità delle truppe del Cremlino è acclarata, e consegnata alla storia. Forse il più tragico di questi avvenimenti è quello che accadde nella cittadina di Novye Aldy, alla periferia meridionale di Grozny, il 5 Febbraio 2000.
OPERAZIONE DI “PULIZIA”
All’inizio della Seconda Guerra Cecena la cittadina di Novye Aldy contava circa trentamila abitanti. Ali primi di Gennaio del 2000 le forze federali raggiunsero i sobborghi occidentali e meridionali dell’abitato, nell’ambito dell’operazione di accerchiamento della capitale della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria. La cittadina aveva subito un primo bombardamento da parte dell’artiglieria e dell’aereonautica, a seguito del quale quasi tutti i residenti erano sfollati, cosicché alla fine del mese appena duemila persone, per lo più troppo anziane o malate per potersene andare, rimanevano acquattate nei seminterrati delle abitazioni, mentre nel cimitero cittadino si erano contate 75 nuove tumulazioni, in parte dovute alle esplosioni dei giorni precedenti. Novye Aldy era considerata dai russi un punto strategico non soltanto perché si trovava immediatamente a sud di Grozny (all’epoca chiamata “Dzhokhar” in onore del primo Presidente della ChRI, Dudaev) ma anche perché allo scoppio delle ostilità la sua moschea aveva ospitato una preghiera alla quale avevano partecipato il Presidente Maskhadov, l’ex Presidente Yandarbiev ed altre figure di alto profilo dell’Ichkeria. Era quindi definita una “roccaforte” degli indipendentisti, pur non essendo di fatto né trincerata, né difesa dalle forze regolari cecene.
Secondo quanto riportato dalle testimonianze dei residenti sopravvissuti, Aldy era stata temporaneamente occupata da unità alle dipendenze del Generale di Brigata Akhmed Zakayev, ma prima che i bombardamenti avessero inizio tale reparto si era già ritirato fuori dal centro abitato. Tuttavia quando le forze federali raggiunsero i suoi sobborghi, iniziò un fitto bombardamento sulla cittadina, che proseguì quasi ininterrottamente tra il 2 ed il 5 Febbraio, provocando decine di morti. Soltanto dopo che una rappresentanza di residenti locali ebbe modo di parlare con il comando militare russo, garantendo che la città fosse completamente libera da uomini armati, il bombardamento cessò, ed il giorno successivo, 5 Febbraio 2000, forze della polizia militare, la famigerata OMON, penetrarono nel villaggio per effettuare una “operazione di controllo dei passaporti”. L’operazione fu condotta da due distinti reparti: il reparto OMON della Polizia di San Pietroburgo ed un reparto eterogeneo composto da poliziotti, soldati a contratto e coscritti. Le due unità penetrarono dentro Novye Aldy da Nord e da Sud, abbandonandosi fin da subito al sistematico saccheggio delle abitazioni, prassi tristemente usuale durante entrambe le guerre russo – cecene.
IL MASSACRO
Ben presto tuttavia la portata dei crimini divenne ancora più drammatica: lungo la via principale della cittadina militari russi penetrarono casa per casa, lasciando dietro di loro una scia di morti: il primo a cadere fu il cinquantenne Sultan Temirov, che abitava al numero 170 di quella strada. Il suo corpo, privato della testa (che non fu mai ritrovata) fu rinvenuto fatto a brandelli davanti alla porta di casa. Dopo di lui fu la volta di altre ventirè persone, per lo più donne e anziane. La vittima più vecchia, Rakat Akhmadova, aveva 82 anni, e fu freddata con due colpi sul marciapiede davanti alla sua abitazione. Tra le vittime si contarono almeno sei giovani donne, una delle quali incinta, ed un bambino di un anno, giustiziato con due colpi alla testa e bruciato in strada.
I militari russi andavano di casa in casa, chiedendo la consegna di tutti gli oggetti di valore, ed ammazzando a sangue freddo chiunque opponesse resistenza, o che non consegnasse un riscatto sufficientemente alto. In altri casi, secondo le testimonianze, anche coloro che possedevano qualcosa furono successivamente giustiziate, in quanto non avevano prodotto i documenti di identità richiesti. In almeno un caso si ebbe uno stupro di gruppo ai danni di sei donne, tre delle quali successivamente strangolate. La maggior parte delle case di proprietà delle vittime furono devastate e date alle fiamme, probabilmente nel tentativo di coprire i crimini commessi. Quando, al tramonto, i militari russi se ne andarono dal villaggio, i pochi superstiti uscirono dai loro nascondigli per spegnere gli incendi, prestare soccorso ai feriti e seppellire i cadaveri. Davanti a loro si palesò il dramma di una vera e propria strage, assimilabile ad un atto di genocidio, contro civili la cui unica colpa era quella di trovarsi nel villaggio al momento dell’operazione di “pulizia” e di non possedere sufficienti risorse per comprare la loro salvezza e quella dei loro cari. Nelle case e sulle strade rimasero tra i 56 e gli 82 cadaveri. Contrariamente a quanto prescritto dalla tradizione islamica, i superstiti non seppellirono immediatamente i corpi delle vittime, ma li mantennero nelle loro posizioni originarie affinché potessero essere filmati. Nel corso dei giorni successivi furono realizzati numerosi video amatoriali, molti dei quali sono visibili oggi nel documentario Aldy: A Past That Cannot Be Forgotten che riportiamo qui di seguito.
COPERTURE DI STATO
Malgrado l’evidenza del crimine commesso, le autorità federali si mossero con estrema lentezza ed inefficacia. Dapprima si negò che la strage fosse avvenuta: interrogato sull’argomento, il Tenente Generale Stanislav Kavun dichiarò: Queste affermazioni non sono altro che un intruglio non supportato da fatti o prove. Le dichiarazioni di questa organizzazione per i diritti umani, basate esclusivamente sui resoconti verbali di testimoni anonimi, dovrebbero essere viste come una provocazione il cui obiettivo è screditare l’operazione delle forze federali contro i terroristi in Cecenia. Nel frattempo, un secondo raid dell’OMON ebbe luogo a Novye Aldyh il 10 Maggio. L’azione fu verosimilmente orchestrata per costringere i sopravvissuti al silenzio: non si registrarono ulteriori vittime, ma si verificò un nuovo, sistematico, saccheggio, e gli abitanti del villaggio furono malmenati e minacciati.
Soltanto il 14 Marzo, su pressione dell’Osservatorio dei Diritti Umani, si presentarono nel villaggio i primi investigatori. Le prime dichiarazioni degli inquirenti resero subito chiaro che l’intento del governo di Mosca fosse quello di sminuire la gravita dell’evento, e se possibile di attribuirne la responsabilità agli stessi ceceni, i quali si sarebbero travestiti da soldati russi ed avrebbero compiuto la strage con l’intento di screditare le forze federali. Nel corso degli anni successivi, nessun responsabile fu mai individuato dalle autorità russe, e l’unico soldato riconosciuto colpevole di saccheggio ed omicidio, un poliziotto OMON dell’unità di San Pietroburgo, dopo essere stato condannato fece perdere le proprie tracce, dopo di che la sua condanna fu sospesa. Neanche l’intervento del Tribunale Internazionale, delle Nazioni Unite e del Consiglio d’Europa (OSCE) hanno permesso di accertare le responsabilità della strage.
Un resoconto completo della tragedia è riportato nel rapporto dell’Osservatorio per i Diritti Umani che alleghiamo di seguito:
Francesco Benedetti : – Recently your book “The Crimes of the Russian Century in Chechnya” was published in Amazon . It contains terrible evidence of the crimes committed by the Russian army during the second invasion of the country. Why did you decide now to publish these testimonies of events that took place more than twenty years ago? Is this an act of testimony or a political choice?
Mairbek Taramov: – I began to publish the first materials described in the book “The Crimes of the Century of Russia in Chechnya” in Baku in the newspaper “Kavkazskiy Vestnik” almost immediately after I received these materials on several diskettes. This issue of the newspaper came out on November 27, 2000, that is, almost a year after those terrible crimes. Although it has been 22 years since those materials were given to me, I cannot name those who gave me these floppy disks. Some details about the publication of these materials are covered in the Afterword of the book, when I received a dissatisfied letter from the Nazran Department of the Memorial Human Rights Center (HRC). Their dissatisfaction was expressed by fear for the lives of the victims, who filed suits with the ECtHR for the crimes committed against them. And I, in turn, expressed indignation at the fact that Memorial’s employees are afraid of publicity for such monstrous crimes committed by the Russian authorities in Chechnya.
Three years later, I managed to combine these materials, and in early 2004 I published the book Crimes of the Russian Century in Chechnya. Here it is necessary to recall that this book was published illegally. Moreover, in order for the book to be released, and so that there would be no premature publicity, the Russian workers of the printing house were sent on a weekly paid vacation.
Initially, I provided the authorship of the book to HRC “Memorial” and GIA Chechenpress . Here I want to note that I, in turn, was afraid of persecution, and in order to somehow warn myself, I transferred my authorship. Later, information reached me that Memorial Human Rights Center declared that it had nothing to do with the book, thereby refusing authorship. In the end, I had to take ownership.
Today’s publications of these Russian crimes are explained by the following reasons…
Firstly, after the brazen and bloody invasion of the Russian troops into Ukraine, it was necessary to warn the Ukrainian leadership and the population that such cruel crimes could happen on their soil, which, unfortunately, was confirmed.
Secondly, I am sure that such monstrous crimes would not be repeated again and again anywhere in the world, their maximum publicity is necessary, so I turned to the world famous Amazon Corporation for publication , after translating the book into English. For the same purpose, I turn to your site www . ichkeria . net in the hope that these materials will be translated into Italian.
And thirdly – again and again I appeal to the population of Chechnya who suffered from these crimes – pass on information about these and other crimes committed against you and your relatives to the International Criminal Courts! Today, a unique situation is emerging when Russian criminals can suffer a well-deserved punishment, and you and your relatives will receive proper compensation, and not the miserable handouts that the ECHR paid earlier, which do not even make up a fifth of the affected Europeans or Americans.
– The evidence that you have collected in your book chills the soul and can shake the self-control of any person. Before you became the author of this book, you were a Chechen. How did you, as a blood brother of these victims, feel their suffering? How would you explain to the citizens of Italy, France or Germany what it means to experience what the people you describe in your book have experienced?
– To feel the pain and suffering of this or that people, another person, one must have a real heart, as our Creator commands, regardless of nationality. After all, why did Putin and the FSB create an information blockade in Chechnya on the eve of the second war? The special services are well aware of the effect of the information war – that Humanity will respond to the pain and suffering of people. Unfortunately, Putin’s plan came true – foreign journalists, on pain of death, were not allowed into the territory of war-torn Chechnya. But there were a few journalists who acted there at a deadly risk, one of which was Anna Politkovskaya. Although she was not a Chechen, the suffering Chechens trusted Anna as their sister or mother – 100%. And she literally splashed out the tears, blood and suffering of the Chechen people on the pages of Novaya Gazeta, which had a strong resonance.
Well, I was not such a popular journalist, very few people read my newspaper, although I published terrible materials there. But I am still alive, and have been continuing my activity for more than 20 years, although my health is naughty. Yes, of course, as a native Chechen, I feel the pain and suffering of my people stronger and closer, but as I said above, there are humanitarians in the world who have these feelings on the same level as me.
As an example, I will cite Inna and Andrey Kurochkin from the NEP information channel from Prague, who raised the Chechen problem to an all-time high level, as well as your fellow countryman (he says he is from Florence) Adriano Sofri , who wrote a wonderful story “If I was born in Chechnya.” And the worse Francesco Benedetti shining like a bright star in the information sky, raising the flag of independent and free Ichkeria high. The list goes on…
– In our previous conversation, you mentioned that the crimes that you mention in your book are the subject of criminal cases against the Russian government, and in the coming future will be considered in the International Criminal Courts (ICC). Can you tell me what stage these Chechen affairs are at and how it is currently progressing?
– As follows from the afterword of the book, an employee of the “Memorial” office from Nazran said that 6 criminal cases from those crimes that are described in the book are under consideration at the ECHR. But that was over 20 years ago. Of course, now there are many more of these cases. However, we do not know how many specific criminal cases are under consideration, and what are the results – lawyers should deal with this. I also do not know how the ECtHR will demand compensation if Russia is withdrawn from the European Council.
Therefore, at this time, Chechens must insist on the consideration of these criminal cases in the International Criminal Courts (ICC), in particular in The Hague, where a completely different mechanism for punishing criminals, imposing indemnities, compensations operates. Therefore, it is extremely important to explain to the affected citizens of Chechnya and their relatives how to file claims with the ICC.
dMayrbek Taramov
– You have been protecting human rights since the mid-2000s. What does it mean for a Chechen who has seen how the most elementary rights of his people are trampled with impudence and arrogance by a state that defines itself as “according to the law” to continue to fight for respect for human rights no matter what?
– Here it is necessary to distinguish between the activities of lawyers and human rights activists. I had to deal with the protection of the rights of Chechen refugees in Azerbaijan, seeing their absolutely powerless situation. Although I have been extremely busy doing journalism, I also had to work on defending the rights of Chechen refugees in 2002 by founding the Chechen Human Rights Center (CHRC). The main mission of the CLC was to prevent the deportations of Chechen refugees from Azerbaijan and Georgia and publicize the outcome of such deportations to Russia, which, as a rule , ended in torture and murder of the deportees. Similar deportations also took place in European countries where it would seem that human rights are protected, but … this is not at all the case. I have a whole list of deported Chechen refugees from Europe who, after being deported to Russia, were subjected to torture, murder and long prison terms. But in recent years, the activities of Chechen human rights organizations in Europe have become difficult due to the fact that it is now practically impossible to really establish whether this or that Chechen refugee is a member of the Resistance, or is it a simple refugee, tourist, businessman, and finally Kadyrovites who need asylum in Europe for cover. As a result, our Independent International Human Rights Group ceased its activities. But at the same time, Said- Emin Ibragimov, a professional lawyer and head of the human rights organization “Peace and Human Rights”, continues his legal activities, filing lawsuits with the International Criminal Courts on all crimes of the Russian army against the civilian population of Chechnya. But there are no results yet. My mission as a journalist and writer is to give maximum publicity to the crimes committed by the Russian leadership, which is what I am currently doing, and what I call on other journalists, including Francesco Benedetti .
– On this issue, organizations of the Chechen diaspora in Europe often oppose the deportation of Chechen citizens to Russia, and from there to Chechnya. Can you tell me more about these cases? Why is the repatriation of Chechens to Russia dangerous?
– This is too big a question. And in short, as I said above, any Chechen refugee deported from Europe to Russia, if he is a former member of the Resistance or somehow helped our fighters, he will be killed after prolonged torture. At best, he will receive a long or life sentence, which also ends in death. Or maybe he will become a Kadyrovite if he is forced to betray. It is this last category ( Kadyrovites ) that poses the greatest danger to Chechen refugees, in whom this traitor used to be trusted. But against such there is an antidote – not to communicate with such and not to believe a single word of the returnee . An important question or explanation… How to establish whether this or that refugee, asylum seeker, is a member of the Chechen Resistance? When we write Confirmations to the Migration Services of European countries, in order to establish the truth, we first address the question of this or that asylum seeker to authoritative Chechens, former commanders. And if the answer is positive, we write a Petition to the authorities of European countries. It is not difficult to establish the truth, since the population of Chechnya is not so large. And there were not so many fighters who fought. So, on August 6, 1996, only 750 fighters of the Chechen Resistance managed to defeat the many thousands of Russian troops. But taking into account those who helped our fighters to one degree or another, the total number of participants in the Resistance will increase to more than 20,000 people. It is important to note here that almost 90% of the population of Chechnya was on the side of the fighters defending the Freedom and Independence of their Motherland.
– Now Chechnya lives under the regime of Ramzan Kadyrov, a very loyal follower of the same Vladimir Putin, who organized and directed or, at least, covered up those crimes that you talk about in your book. How does the current Chechen government justify these actions against its people? And how do the residents of Chechnya say about it?
An important clarification is needed here. Putin and the entire leadership of Russia, primarily the military and special services, committed the very terrible crimes described in the book. Only after the end of active hostilities in Grozny did the Kremlin begin to form a puppet government in Chechnya, headed by Akhmad Kadyrov, a former mufti and mullah. He graduated from one of the Muslim universities in Central Asia, where it was impossible to enter without the knowledge of the KGB. Thus, Akhmad Kadyrov was a KGB agent during the Soviet era. The main stimulus in the formation of the puppet government was money, which generously financed the puppet officials. Of course, these puppets tried to justify the actions of the Russian troops in Chechnya, described in the book, and blamed the former authorities for the tragedy. Their main “trump card” was the following – if the CRI authorities had not called on the Chechen people to resist, then this war and these tragedies could have been avoided. Chechens living in their homeland, in the early 2000s, somehow expressed dissatisfaction with the occupation and puppet authorities, but their protests were brutally suppressed, and activists were persecuted. Human rights activists were most persecuted, who were simply kidnapped and killed, similarly cracked down on former members of the Resistance, who left Chechnya to save their lives. The current residents of Chechnya prefer to remain silent about past events, fearing for their lives.
– What do you think, is there a discussion in Russia about the crimes committed by the Russian government against the Chechens? And is there any chance that the Russian public will find out about these crimes?
– What kind of discussions can be discussed in modern Russia? It must be admitted with great regret that today’s Russia is an empire! And in an empire, as you know, there can be no normal society. In the Russian Empire at this time, everything is decided by one person – Putin! And here the answer is very clear to you – Putin will never allow the emergence of a free Chechen state. But fortunately, after the war in Ukraine, the situation in Russia may change radically and lead to the disintegration of the country. Of course, in such a situation there is a real chance of regaining the lost independence of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. But it is extremely difficult to predict exactly how events will develop after the collapse of Russia. Such chaos is possible in Russia, which has never been in the history of any country. This is precisely the development of events that the West is afraid of, as former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, who is 98 years old, recently said. But time will tell how events will develop further …
– In your opinion, why did the events that engulfed Chechnya in the period from the early 1990s to the early 2000s not affect Western public opinion? Why didn’t Europe, which today is in danger because of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, see an equally great danger in the invasion of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria?
– This is a question that the Western media prefer to avoid, because, as the proverb says, “their face is down.” After all, Putin came to power in Russia thanks to the support of the West. Western politicians had high hopes for Putin – and he did not deceive them at first. With the silent participation of the West, which only verbally expressed concern, Putin staged a genocide in Chechnya. I repeatedly spoke about this and wrote in my articles, and showed the document “Security Issues” (Journal for the leaders of the Russian Federation) for March 1999, which asserts the support of Putin by the West. If you remember, with the advent of Bush Jr. to the White House, the Global Anti-Terrorist Operation began, led by Bush Jr., Blair and Putin. Putin, with their support, started a war in Chechnya, and Bush, under the pretext of destroying chemical and bacteriological weapons, started a war in Iraq. In fact, it was a war declared on the Muslim world, under the pretext of the attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001. In fact, all this is highly doubtful.
And here I will make a very important summary – the United States of America is indeed a fair democratic state. After all, the US Congress called Bush Jr. to account for the unjustified invasion of Iraq. But the fact is that according to the laws of the United States, an American court cannot imprison the President of the United States, although the former one, officials from the environment of Bush Jr., who were sentenced to various prison terms, were held responsible. Well, what punishment did Putin suffer for the genocide arranged in Chechnya?! Ha ha ha!
But let’s return to our question … If at first Putin kept pace with the West, then after the seizure of Crimea and Donbass, their paths diverged. Western leaders have made an unforgivable mistake by not considering that Putin is a product of the KGB! Now in Ukraine, Putin has shown and proved that he is an imperialist and a fascist of the highest category! The West realized that if Putin is not stopped in Ukraine, then he can go on to take over the rest of the world. Such is Russia – the Empire of Evil, as President Reagan put it. Fortunately, Russia does not have the large-scale resources that the Soviet Empire had, which means that Putin has already lost the war in Ukraine !
– Do you see a parallel between what Putin did in Chechnya and what he is doing in Ukraine? In your opinion, is it correct to say that what is happening today in Ukraine is a copy of the process that began in Chechnya in 1994?
– The strongest parallel! However, I never thought that Putin would commit such monstrous crimes in Ukraine – in the former fraternal Slavic country of 40 million. This means that Putin is a criminal for whom there are no borders , but he learned these crimes in Chechnya , where the West allowed him everything . Putin was raised on Chechen blood!! “I take full responsibility for what is happening in Chechnya ! ”- so Putin said during the war going on in Chechnya. Where such confidence? From the fact that he had the strongest patrons. I often cite examples with this statement by Putin and Hitler’s quote to his soldiers : “I free you from the chimera called conscience”
– Why, even after 20 years, many victims did not openly condemn the crimes committed against them ?
– I do not know the further fate of the victims, with some exceptions. I am not a lawyer, not a lawyer who would deal with the cases of specific victims. My task as a journalist is to give maximum publicity to the crimes that have occurred, which I have been doing for over 20 years. The victims described in the book, and not only in the book, can be conditionally divided into several categories. Firstly, these are those whose tragic stories are described in the book. Some of them received compensation through the ECtHR. The second part still do not dare to sue, fearing for their lives and for their relatives. As a rule , most of them are in their home country, and they know that if they are filed with the ECtHR, they are in mortal danger.
I can give an example from Zura Bitiyeva, whom I met at the Conference in Tbilisi in 2000 , who was tortured and humiliated in the Chernokozovo prison. Zura filed a lawsuit with the ECtHR and continued to live in Chechnya. But one night, Russian special forces broke into her and shot her and her whole family, only one boy escaped, who hid. There are victims who do not want to sue. One of those Raisa Khamzaeva is a very brave woman. She gave an interview to the newspaper “Kavkazsky Vestnik” , appeared on PIK television (this TV channel was under Saakashvili in Georgia). However, she does not want to file a lawsuit with the ECtHR, considering their compensation as small pennies. Maybe Raisa is right, given that compensation from the ECtHR to Chechens is only a fifth of what the affected Europeans or Americans receive.
Of course, in the current situation, when Putin is defeated in Ukraine, as a result of which he and all Russian war criminals will be called to account in the International Criminal Courts, the affected Chechens should immediately file not only with the ECHR, but also with other courts like the Haas, where they will receive full compensation for the crimes committed against them by the Russian authorities. This is what we all, together, must call on the entire Chechen people, who suffered almost without exception during the genocide organized by the Russian authorities. This is also necessary so that such crimes will never again be committed against the Chechen, Georgian, Ukrainian and other peoples!
Mayrbek Taramov (a destra) ed Alim Pasha Soltykhanov (a Sinistra) alla cerimonia di premiazione di un concorso letterario a Copenhagen, nel 2011
– You told amazing stories about how you were saved by noble people, among whom was Alexander Litvinenko . How could A. Litvinenko, who was in London, save you while you were in Baku ?
– Explanations are needed here … The fact is that I edited the articles of Alexander Litvinenko in the GIA Chechenpress agency and Sasha and I were in close contact. One day an amazing story happened. In Baku, I turned to various world embassies for help for Chechen refugees . I once addressed a delegation of Chechen public figures to the US Embassy in Baku, where we were warmly received, listened to, treated to tea and coffee. And the Embassy employee Mary ( I still remember her name ) said that we could meet in the cafeteria of the Hyatt Hotel to discuss the details. At the appointed time , my faithful friend Anvar and I arrived at the Hayat Hotel and met with an employee of the US Embassy . Over a cup of coffee , we discussed the situation with the disenfranchised position of the Chechen refugees , and Mary promised to bring this matter to the American ambassador. After that we parted ways.
And then miracles begin… And sometimes I was looking for information about myself through Google, and suddenly I discovered something amazing … I read on the website of Academgorodok in Novosibirsk: “A meeting of an employee of the US Embassy with human rights activist Mairbek Taramov took place at the Hayat Hotel, Baku. And then I was horrified – how can such information, where there were only three people at the table in the cafe – me, my friend and Mary, could be leaked to some Russian site?!?! I did not sleep all night, and on the second day I called Alexander Litvinenko.
I explained to Alexander what had happened, and he asked me – ” Hang up the phone, I’ll call you back ” . ( Sasha was a very kind guy, he didn’t want me to spend money on phone calls ). When Alexander called me back, telephone communication improved dramatically, to which Litvinenko responded: “Do you feel it? – Contacts are being cleared! ))” Sasha asked me – ” What hotel were you in” ? I replied. And then Litvinenko explains to me: “ At the end of January 1990, Soviet troops were brought into Baku to suppress the opposition. These troops included KGB units, one of which was commanded by me, Alexander Litvinenko. During the activities of the Soviet special services, I managed to recruit nine high-ranking officials from the government of Azerbaijan. Why am I telling you this, Mayrbeck, because they are listening to us now. So know, and let them know, who are listening to our conversation, – if something happens to you, Mayrbek, then I will announce the names of the Azerbaijani officials I recruited .
To be honest , I got scared, grabbed my head, and asked Litvinenko – “Alexander, what are you talking about? How can I live here now ?!” And he says – “Live in peace Mayrbek, and I repeat – if at least one hair falls from your head, they will answer in full!”
The question arises: – who transmitted information about the meeting Russian special services ? Sasha explained it this way : “ Your waiter transmitted the information to the Russians , who had a wiretapping sensor installed in a teapot or coffee pot .” And in the basement of the Baku hotel ” Hayat ” there is a listening room with appropriate equipment . Everything is simple! And next time you can turn to the waiter: “Comrade Colonel ! »
It was one of the examples of how the Almighty saved me through noble people!
The book “The Crimes of the Russian Century in Chechnya” can be purchased from the links on Amazon :
Mairbek Taramov is a well-known Chechen journalist, writer and human rights activist. From his pen came hundreds of articles, interviews, appeals. Since 1998, he has been the founder and editor of the newspaper and website “Kavkazsky Vestnik”. In early 1999, at the founding conference in Grozny, Taramov M. was elected chairman of the Union of Caucasian Journalists. He was published in the Chechen, Russian and American media, in particular in the newspaper “Kaskad” from Baltimore, the magazine “Krugozor”, USA. After the outbreak of hostilities in Chechnya in November 1999, Taramov Mayrbek emigrated to Turkey, and then to Azerbaijan, where he continued his information and legal activities, defending the freedom and independence of his homeland. In 2002, he founded the Chechen Human Rights Center in Baku and was elected its leader, and later became a member of the Independent International Human Rights Group. In 2005, he received political asylum in Sweden, where he currently resides. In September 2005, he was appointed Representative of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria in Sweden.
Mayrbek Taramov was appointed chairman of the jury of Literary competitions of the Chechenpress State Information Agency , holding three competitions in this position: in 2004, 2011 and 2014. At the beginning of 2022, Mairbek Taramov was appointed Commissioner for Human Rights of the CRI, and is also a member of the Council of Elders of the National Assembly of Chechens of Europe .
Mairbek Taramov is the author of the following books:
1. “The Crimes of the Russian Century in Chechnya” (“The Chechen Question: The Final Solution”),
in which the gravest crimes of the political and military leadership of Russia are exposed. This book is based on documentary evidence of the bombing of the Chechen capital and its settlements at the end of October 1999 by tactical surface-to-ground ( SCUD ) missiles, as well as the shelling of “humanitarian corridors” through which the civilian population left the shelled settlements of Chechnya. The book presents documentary materials about the trade in the corpses of murdered Chechens and the internal organs of murdered citizens of Chechnya. Carte blanche to carry out the genocide of the civilian population of Chechnya was given personally by Vladimir Putin, who became president of Russia on the blood of innocent people. This book has been published three times and translated into English.
2. “The terrorist operation of Russia in Chechnya 1999-2004. Facts and comments. This book is essentially a chronicle of the “second Chechen war”, which contains unique information about the war from autumn 1999 to 2004, which cannot be found in other publications. In this book, the false information of the Russian news agencies is dispelled by the author’s accurate comments. This book is published by the American publishing house Igrulita-Press .
3. “All the power of the FSB!” – a collection of Mayrbeck ‘s best articles Taramov , exposing the cruel, inhuman methods of the Russian special services.
4. “Generals of the Russian Imperial Army of foreign origin and from the natives of the Caucasus – participants in the Russian-Caucasian wars of 1722-1917.”
The reader will be extremely surprised to learn the true quantitative and national composition of the generals of the Russian Imperial Army, who fought for almost 200 years against a handful of Caucasian highlanders, whom these generals called savages. Note that most of the generals were ethnic Germans. So:
A total of 364 generals. And there are only 460 higher ranks: 364 of them are foreign generals and 96 generals from local highlanders, according to very relative estimates.
5. “Nothing is forgotten, no one is forgiven!” This book, which includes documentary facts and testimonies, is dedicated to the deportation of the Chechen people to Siberia and Central Asia. This book contains the Resolution of the European Parliament, one of the paragraphs of which states that the deportation of the Chechen people on February 23, 1944, carried out by Stalin and his entourage, is an act of genocide. Unfortunately, this fact has not yet been recognized by any country in the world.
6. “When children turn gray…” – a bleeding colorful album that touches all human feelings, which proves and shows the Russian genocide against Chechen children. The album was published with the participation of the American photo artist Sergei Melnikoff . The album has been translated into English.
These milestones of creativity, published in many media, for the Italian site www . ichkeria . net , I decided to add some exclusive materials of my biography, which I present for the first time.
I was not a participant in direct hostilities in Chechnya, but I always sympathized and was on the side of the Chechen Resistance. Since 1997, I have been conducting information activities in Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, becoming a journalist for the popular newspaper “Chechenets”, and later worked in other publications. Then I became the founder and editor of the independent newspaper Kavkazskiy Vestnik.
With the beginning of a new Russian aggression in Chechnya in the second half of 1999, I was at home and described in the newspaper the missile and air strikes by the Russian army on the city of Grozny and other settlements in Chechnya.
By mid-October 1999, it was already pointless to stay in the city, where there was practically no civilian population left, who, saving their lives, left for rural areas and beyond the borders of the republic. And then I decided to join the units of the Chechen Resistance. Putting on a military uniform and taking a weapon, I, along with my friend, went to the legendary commander Shamil Basayev, whom I knew well, and told him about my decision. Shamil, after a short silence, flashing his eyes, announced to us in a raised tone:
– What kind of war are you talking about, you adults!? After all, you are educated people, and your war, your front is different – informational! This is where you must protect us Chechen warriors against Russian expansion. I will issue you the relevant documents and help you get to Georgia, and then to Turkey, where you will have to continue your information activities, informing the world community about the ongoing genocide of the Chechen people.
And so it happened … After working for more than a year in Turkey as a member of the Caucasian-Chechen Committee and publishing the newspaper “Kavkazskiy Vestnik”, I moved to Baku, the capital of Azerbaijan, where I continued my information activities. I published the newspaper “Kavkazsky Vestnik” and ran a website of the same name, held conferences in the Baku Press Center, in which Alla Dudayeva, the widow of the First President of the CRI, also took part, I spoke on Baku television and in the local press, in particular, in the newspapers “Zerkalo”, Echo and others.
I was often asked the question – how did you manage to do such open informational and human rights activities when the authorities of Azerbaijan and Georgia handed over many Chechen refugees to the Russian special services? I cannot unequivocally answer this question, but it seems to me that the answer lies in the following… The Russian leadership, having issued appropriate decrees, in violation of any International Conventions on Combatants, persecuted former members of the Chechen Resistance, who had already become refugees and were undergoing treatment and recovery. I, as mentioned above, was not a direct participant in the Chechen Resistance, although I was a warrior of the information front.
Secondly. Yes, I was persecuted, as they say, “I walked on a knife edge.” But I had reliable friends who protected me, among whom were Alexander Litvinenko from London, Khozh -Akhmed Nukhaev – the director of the Kavkor corporation , Akhmed Zakaev – the prime minister of the government of the unrecognized CRI, and others whose names I will not name yet. You ask – “But how could Alexander Litvinenko protect you while in London?” And so it did, which I was extremely surprised. Well, I can tell you about this separately, if you want.
And third, perhaps most importantly, I believed and felt the protection of the Almighty, working in my field for free. After all, He, in the Holy Quran, claims that those who speak the truth are under His care, and if death overtakes such on the Righteous Path, then such, without a doubt, acquires the highest degree of Paradise. I am well aware of the Qur’anic truths, as I have studied and published the verses of the Qur’an in the newspaper.
I would like to add the following to the above… The book “The Crimes of Russia’s Century in Chechnya” was first published in Baku in early 2004, but illegally. I take this opportunity to thank the director of the publishing house, whose name I do not know, Anvar Berusoy , who took over the editing of the book, as well as Akhmed Zakayev , with whose financial support this project was made possible.
Il Governo Zakayev ha organizzato una manifestazione davanti al Tribunale Penale Internazionale dell’Aja, per spingere la corte a prendere in esame la documentazione presentata nel 2018 inerente i crimini commessi dalle forze della Federazione Russa in Cecenia. Il raduno, documentato da NEP Prague, verrà proposto dall’emittente in una serie di video. Di seguito pubblichiamo il primo tra questi, corredato di sottotitoli in italiani realizzati da Francesco Benedetti
“Il Tribunale dell’Aia per Putin. Il Tribunale dell’Aia per la Russia. “ Sottotitoli in italiano
L’8 Aprile scorso la città ucraina di Kramatorsk è stata colpita da un attacco missilistico che, con molta probabilità, è stato messo a segno dalle forze separatiste filo – russe del Donbass. La vicenda non è ancora definitivamente chiarita, ma ciò che è certo è che almeno due missili ad alto potenziale distruttivo hanno colpito la stazione ferroviaria cittadina, in quel momento affollata da centinaia di profughi in fuga dai combattimenti, provocando almeno cinquanta morti ed un numero imprecisato di feriti. Il copione è tristemente simile a quello di molti altri bombardamenti missilistici occorsi in aree di guerra nelle quali le forze dell’esercito russo erano presenti, come operatori diretti o come consiglieri militari. C’è n’è uno, in particolare, che ricordiamo oggi: quello del 21 ottobre, passato alla storia come la “strage del mercato di Grozny”.
I PRIMI MISSILI DI PUTIN
Dalla fine di Agosto del 1999 l’aereonautica federale iniziò a bombardare Grozny, preparando il terreno per l’invasione di terra, la quale sarebbe scattata nell’Ottobre seguente. La città, già ridotta ad un cumulo di macerie dalla prima guerra, terminata appena tre anni prima, si trovò ad affrontare un secondo martellamento, che divenne ancora più catastrofico quando l’artiglieria campale russa occupò le colline del cosiddetto Terek Ridge, godendo così di una comoda postazione di tiro sulla capitale della ChRI. A dirigere l’invasione c’era un “giovane” Vladimir Putin, appena nominato Primo Ministro da un sempre più debilitato Boris Eltsin.
Artiglieria russa in bombardamento
Nonostante l’assedio imminente, decine di migliaia di civili erano ancora dentro Grozny quando l’artiglieria prese a cannoneggiare la città. Uno dei centri di aggregazione più importanti per i cittadini era il mercato centrale, nel quale si commerciava ogni sorta di prodotto, dai generi alimentari ai vestiti, fino alle armi da fuoco. Il 21 Ottobre una pioggia di missili SCUD si abbatté sulla città: due di questi esplosero poco lontano dall’unico reparto di maternità funzionante nella città, a pochi passi dal compound presidenziale e dall’ufficio postale centrale, uccidendo una trentina di persone tra le quali giovani madri con i loro neonati. Un altro colpì una moschea del sobborgo di Kalinina, uccidendo 41 fedeli intenti a pregare. Altri tre missili caddero nel quartiere del mercato centrale. La prima esplosione avvenne ad una cinquantina di metri dal bazar, e distrusse Mira Street, proiettando una pioggia di schegge che falciarono chiunque si trovasse in giro in quel momento. Poco dopo altri due missili caddero ad una distanza di circa 80 metri l’uno dall’altro, colpendo in pieno il mercato ed uccidendo una novantina di civili, molti dei quali residenti di etnia russa. I soccorsi raggiunsero prontamente il luogo della strage ma un’ora dopo sulla piazza cadde ancora un altro missile, falciando i soccorritori ed i giornalisti accorsi a documentare il disastro. Morirono altre decine di persone, tra le quali il giornalista del Groznensky Rabochy Supian Ependyev. Fu il primo di una lunga serie di giornalisti che avrebbero perso la vita nel tentativo di raccontare la seconda guerra cecena.
LA PRIMA STRAGE DI PUTIN
Oltre ai più di cento morti l’assalto provocò dai 250 ai 500 feriti, molti dei quali gravissimi. Alcuni, caricati su mezzi di fortuna si diressero in convoglio verso l’Inguscezia, ma i numerosi checkpoint russi lungo la strada impedirono alla maggior parte di questi di raggiungere celermente gli ospedali ingusci. Il bombardamento provocò una nuova ondata di profughi che dalla città iniziarono a defluire confusamente verso nord. Un convoglio di questi, dopo essere stato fermato e costretto a fare dietrofront, venne erroneamente bombardato dall’aereonautica federale, che lo aveva scambiato per un distaccamento militare.
I russi negarono qualsiasi coinvolgimento, dichiarando che le esplosioni fossero frutto di un regolamento di conti tra bande illegali o l’esplosione di un magazzino di armi adiacente al mercato, ma le numerose registrazioni video del luogo della strage, nelle quali erano ben presenti i resti di missili balistici ed i crateri da impatto delle loro testate, smentirono la versione del Cremlino. Si trattò a tutti gli effetti di un bombardamento su obiettivi prevalentemente civili: anche ammettendo che nel bazar fossero in vendita delle armi, la stragrande maggioranza degli stand vendevano generi alimentari e vestiario, ed in quel momento erano affollati da civili in cerca di beni di consumo. Il bombardamento sollevò la prima forte reazione da parte della comunità internazionale: il Presidente del Parlamento Europeo, Lord Russell – Johnston, si disse “scioccato” ed accusò il governo russo di violare i diritti umani e le leggi di guerra. Simili condanne giunsero dal Presidente dell’Unione Europea, il finlandese Paavo Lipponen, e dal Cancelliere tedesco Gerard Schroder. Il Consiglio d’Europa chiese a Putin di riferire quanto prima i suoi piani per porre fine al conflitto. Il Segretario di Stato americano Madeleine Albright definì l’azione “deplorevole ed inquietante”. Le proteste dei leader occidentali, blandamente supportate dall’ONU, non fermarono comunque l’invasione.
VIdeo che mostra il bombardamento del Mercato di Grozny del 21 Ottobre 1999
Nella primavera del 1998 tra le frange radicali del nazionalismo ceceno si era fatta largo l’idea di esportare la rivoluzione in tutto il Caucaso, un po’ per intimorire la Russia, un po’ per assecondare il delirio di onnipotenza di quei capibanda che, dopo aver vinto la prima guerra, sognavano di combatterne una seconda ancora più grande. L’organizzazione che si era fatta promotrice di questo obiettivo, il Congresso dei Popoli di Ichkeria e Daghestan, si era costituita poco dopo, e Basayev ne era stato nominato Emiro. Nella primavera del 1999 le attività del Congresso si intensificarono. Il 17 luglio si tenne una assemblea plenaria, convocata per discutere la situazione di forte tensione che si viveva nel vicino Daghestan. Qui, come abbiamo visto, una vivace frangia del fondamentalismo, ispirata da Bagauddin Kebedov, aveva messo radici nei distretti più poveri e periferici, finendo per esserne espulsa con la forza. Kebedov era stato accolto da Basayev ed aveva trasferito in Cecenia i suoi seguaci, preparando la rivincita. Ugudov e Basayev sponsorizzavano fortemente il progetto.
In un’intervista con la rivista jihadista cecena Al – Qaf Basayev aveva dichiarato: “I leader del Congresso non consentiranno all’esercito di occupazione russo di provocare il caos nella terra dei nostri fratelli musulmani. Non intendiamo lasciarli impotenti.”. Nel gennaio del 1999 Khattab aveva iniziato a raccogliere i suoi adepti in una “Legione Islamica”, mentre insieme a Basayev aveva costituito la Brigata Internazionale Islamica per il Mantenimento della Pace, reclutando volontari principalmente tra i ceceni che componevano le Guardie della Sharia ed il Reggimento Islamico Speciale. Nell’aprile 1999 Kebedov aveva dichiarato ufficialmente una Jihad contro gli infedeli che perseguitavano i wahabiti in Daghestan, invitando tutti i “patrioti islamici del Caucaso” a prendervi parte. L’assemblea del Congresso fu convocata per decidere in che misura la Jihad di Kebedov dovesse essere appoggiata. Uno dei leader daghestani accorsi al Congresso dichiarò: “L’esistenza dell’impero russo per noi è un eterno onere schiacciante associato a determinati problemi. Dobbiamo fare del nostro meglio per concentrare tutto il nostro intelletto sulla distruzione e la frammentazione di questa minaccia globale […] dobbiamo compiere il nostro destino e scrivere col sangue la nuova storia del Caucaso […].” Il discorso si concluse con la proposta di iniziare le azioni di guerra quella stessa estate. La linea generale dei partecipanti fu aderente a questa dichiarazione.
Bandiera della Brigata Islamica per il Mantenimento della Pace, braccio armato del Congresso dei Popoli di Ichkeria e Daghestan
Nelle settimane successive al congresso, bande armate provenienti dalla Cecenia iniziarono a penetrare oltre i confini del Daghestan, attaccando posti di blocco della polizia ed ingaggiando sparatorie con l’esercito federale. Dalla seconda metà di luglio, gli scontri divennero pressoché quotidiani. Il governo, appena uscito da un confronto all’ultimo sangue coi signori della guerra, non aveva le forze e la capacità politica di fermare le azioni dei fondamentalisti, e si limitava a rispondere alle proteste di Mosca accusando a sua volta l’esercito federale di essere il vero responsabile degli attacchi, con l’intento di provocare deliberatamente un’escalation. Il 2 agosto un primo contingente di grandi dimensioni, composto per lo più da miliziani daghestani al seguito di Kebedov, penetrò in Daghestan, attaccando alcuni villaggi nel distretto di Tsumadi. Tra il 6 ed il 7 agosto circa 1500 uomini attraversarono il confine ceceno ed occuparono diversi villaggi senza sparare un singolo colpo. Tre giorni dopo, il 10 agosto, Kebedov dichiarò la nascita dello Stato Islamico del Daghestan, ed ingiunse al Congresso dei Popoli di Ichkeria e Daghestan di accorrere in suo aiuto, nominando Shamil Basayev Emiro (cioè comandante militare) del nuovo Stato. Lo sconfinamento di Kebedov fece incendiare i territori nel quali la componente fondamentalista era più forte. In particolare la rivolta si estese al circondario di Karamakhi, una piccola cittadina nel cuore del Daghestan, a circa centocinquanta chilometri dalle posizioni appena occupate dallo Stato Islamico del Daghestan. Il 15 agosto i miliziani fondamentalisti presenti in quel distretto presero il controllo della città, cacciarono gli amministratori civili e proclamarono la loro adesione allo Stato Islamico. L’ingresso incontrastato di Kebedov in Daghestan e la ribellione di Karamakhi convinsero Basayev e Khattab che fosse davvero possibile promuovere una “Guerra di liberazione” anche nella repubblica limitrofa. Così si dettero ad organizzare un vero e proprio piano di invasione. Sfruttando una massa critica di qualche migliaio di uomini le forze islamiste avrebbero dovuto penetrare nel distretto di Botlikh, al confine con la Cecenia.
Shamil Basayev dirige le operazioni durante le prima fasi dell’invasione
Da qui, radunati altri volontari, l’esercito di Basayev avrebbe dovuto marciare dapprima su Karamakhi, poi sulla capitale dello stato, Machachkala, nella quale, nel frattempo, squadre di infiltrati avrebbero dovuto scatenare una sommossa. Un secondo contingente, nel frattempo, avrebbe dovuto penetrare in Daghestan da Nord, occupando la cittadina di Khasavyurt (la stessa dove nel 1996 si erano svolti i negoziati tra Maskhadov e Lebed) e da lì convergere su Machachkala, segnando la vittoria della rivoluzione e la liberazione del Daghestan. Numerose azioni diversive, tra le quali alcune azioni terroristiche in Russia, avrebbero distratto l’opinione pubblica dalle manovre militari, facendo guadagnare tempo agli insorti e consolidando la loro situazione strategica. Il piano era estremamente ambizioso, e partiva dalla convinzione, radicata sia in Basayev che in Kebedov, che il popolo daghestano non vedesse l’ora di seguire l’esempio tracciato dai ceceni e di affrancarsi così dal dominio russo. Secondo Basayev la proclamazione dello Stato Islamico sarebbe stato l’innesco di una reazione a catena che avrebbe in breve acceso tutto il Caucaso Settentrionale, provocando un’insurrezione generale. Forte di questa certezza, ai primi di agosto il comandante ceceno penetrò nel distretto di Botlikh con un drappello di 500 volontari armati di fucili da guerra, granate ed RPG. Nel corso della prima giornata di avanzata il piccolo esercito prese tutti i villaggi che incontrò sul suo cammino. Nel frattempo Ugudov, che sosteneva l’attività dei fondamentalisti con la sua stazione televisiva, aveva istituito il canale ufficiale dello Stato Islamico e da questo iniziò ad inneggiare alla Jihad contro gli infedeli russi. A Grozny la notizia dell’invasione del Daghestan fu vissuta con impotenza ed apprensione. Maskhadov non aveva le forze per prevenire, o anche solo per arrestare l’iniziativa di Basayev: non appena la notizia dell’attacco fu ufficializzata, il Presidente ceceno si affrettò a prenderne le distanze, dichiarando che lo sconfinamento non era né voluto né organizzato dal governo ceceno. La notizia dello sfondamento da parte dei miliziani islamisti non giungeva nuova a Mosca.
I comandi federali già da tempo si erano preparati all’eventualità di un’azione simile, sapendo già da almeno un anno che le intenzioni dei radicali ceceni erano quelle di penetrare in Daghestan e tentare di esportarvi la rivoluzione. Anzi, per la verità li avevano anche incoraggiati, ritirando per tutta la prima parte del 1999 qualsiasi unità militare dal confine occidentale del Daghestan, quasi ad invitarli ad entrare. Così, non appena fu chiaro che l’operazione era iniziata, Eltsin raccomandò massima durezza alle forze armate, e nominò primo ministro un giovane astro nascente della politica russa, Vladimir Putin. Questi era stato fino ad allora Direttore dei servizi segreti federali. Non si era neanche insediato che tenne una conferenza stampa nella quale dichiarò che il governo aveva preparato “una serie di misure per mantenere l’ordine e la disciplina in Daghestan.” Il 9 agosto le prime forze speciali federali vennero a contatto con i jihadisti sulle creste ad ovest di Botlikh, mentre l’aereonautica iniziava a bersagliare i sentieri, compiendo 78 sortite nelle sole prime 24 ore. La rabbiosa reazione delle forze federali costrinse Maskhadov ad intervenire per tentare di smarcarsi da quello che sembrava un disastro annunciato. In una conferenza stampa il presidente ceceno dichiarò che quanto stava accadendo non aveva niente a che fare con la Cecenia, che i miliziani erano per lo più daghestani e che i cittadini della Cecenia non stavano partecipando all’attacco, fatta eccezione per alcuni individui isolati.
Reparti di volontari daghestani sfilano ad una rievocazione. La maggior parte dei Daghestani si oppose all’invasione degli islamisti, costituendo distaccamenti di milizia a difesa dei villaggi.
Nel frattempo, al fronte, i miliziani si erano attestati su una collina calva chiamata “orecchio d’asino”. Le truppe federali iniziarono bombardando le altezze facendo largo uso di artiglieria Grad, e bersagliando le posizioni dei militanti con elicotteri da combattimento. Il 12 agosto, dopo intensi bombardamenti, le forze federali passarono all’assalto di terra, conquistando la cima del monte alle prime ore del 13 agosto. Le forze di Basayev passarono al contrattacco attacco utilizzando i loro mortai come copertura. L’attacco fu rabbioso ed ebbe successo: i russi persero una decina di uomini, tra i quali il comandante del gruppo, Maggiore Kostin ed altri venticinque rimasero feriti, e dovettero sloggiare le posizioni acquisite. Un secondo tentativo di prendere la cima fu fatto il 18 agosto, ed anche in questo caso un violento contrattacco islamista costrinse i federali a tornare sulle posizioni di partenza. La seconda controffensiva tuttavia esaurì le riserve degli insorti, che infine si decisero ad abbandonare la montagna. Nel frattempo tutto il fronte nel distretto di Botlikh si era acceso: l’11 agosto i miliziani avevano abbattuto un elicottero a bordo del quale volavano tre Generali della Milizia del Ministero degli Interni, i quali rimasero feriti. Altri due corpi d’assalto islamisti, uno agli ordini di Kebedov, l’altro costituito dai resti del Reggimento Islamico Speciale di Baraev, penetrarono in Daghestan, aspettandosi da un momento all’altro che i daghestani insorgessero in tutto il paese a supporto della loro azione. Tuttavia la stragrande maggioranza delle popolazione non soltanto non fraternizzò coi wahabiti, ma cercò in tutti i modi di allontanarli dai villaggi, temendo che le loro cose finissero distrutte nei combattimenti. Ben presto l’avanzata iniziò ad impantanarsi. Nessuna grande città del paese insorse, e le forze attaccanti, appiedate e prive di supporto aereo, non si avvicinarono a meno di centoventi chilometri da Karamakhi, l’obiettivo a medio termine dell’offensiva. Il 17 agosto le forze federali passarono al contrattacco assaltando Tando, la principale roccaforte di Basayev. I miliziani resistettero stoicamente, distruggendo 6 veicoli russi ed uccidendo 34 soldati, oltre a ferirne un centinaio, ma dopo aver accusato enormi perdite dovettero ritirarsi. Tra il 20 ed il 24 agosto i federali ripresero il controllo di tutto il circondario di Botlikh, bombardando pesantemente Tando e costringendo i miliziani superstiti a ritirarsi oltre i confini della Cecenia.
Da Mosca giungevano pressioni affinché Maskhadov ripudiasse i jihadisti senza se e senza ma. Il 12 agosto il Vice Ministro dell’Interno russo, Zubov, gli aveva inviato un telegramma proponendo un’operazione congiunta contro gli islamisti: mentre i federali avrebbero scacciato Basayev ed i suoi dal Daghestan, i ceceni avrebbero distrutto le loro basi in Cecenia. Di nuovo Maskhadov si trovò di fronte ad un bivio: se avesse condannato Basayev, inseguendolo sulle montagne e consegnandolo ai russi, avrebbe scatenato la rappresaglia dei signori della guerra. Se non lo avesse fatto avrebbe invitato i Russi ad invadere il paese. Stavolta la scelta non era tra anarchia e guerra, ma chi scegliere come nemico. E Maskhadov non si sentì di assecondare le richieste di Mosca. Così scelse di non rispondere al telegramma inviato da Zubov, ma si limitò a convocare una manifestazione a Grozny, durante la quale accusò il governo russo di aver volutamente destabilizzato il Daghestan, ed introdusse la Legge Marziale nella Repubblica. Il dado era tratto: da adesso in poi una seconda guerra con la Russia sarebbe stata soltanto questione di tempo. Il 18 agosto si tenne un’assemblea dei Comandanti di Campo e dei veterani della Prima Guerra Cecena a Grozny. L’assemblea venne diretta da Maskhadov, Basayev e Yandarbiev. Molti Comandanti di Campo rifiutarono di supportare direttamente le azioni della Shura del Daghestan, ma accettarono di fornire assistenza ai feriti e materiale per sostenere lo sforzo bellico. Il 25 agosto l’aereonautica russa lanciò il primo raid aereo sul territorio ceceno. Su indicazione di Putin, il Distretto Militare del Caucaso Settentrionale dichiarò che si sarebbe riservato il diritto “di colpire le basi dei militanti sul territorio di qualsiasi regione del Caucaso Settentrionale, compresa la Cecenia.” Nel frattempo, approfittando del ritiro dei miliziani islamisti nelle basi di partenza, Putin ordinò di liquidare l’enclave di Karamakhi. Il 27 agosto l’autorità militare russa inviò un ultimatum ai wahabiti diffidandoli a far entrare la polizia militare entro le 8 del giorno successivo. Alle 3:30 della notte, non avendo ancora ricevuto risposta dagli assediati, l’esercito russo iniziò il bombardamento della cittadina con l’artiglieria e l’aereonautica. Le forze di terra iniziarono ad avanzare il giorno seguente, incontrando la severa resistenza di 500 Muhajdeen. La battaglia infuriò fino al 30 agosto, quando i miliziani cominciarono ad abbandonare Karamakhi ed a rifugiarsi sulle alture che sovrastavano la regione. Sembrava che i fondamentalisti avessero perso su tutta la linea. L’invasione era stata fermata, lo Stato Islamico sciolto e la raccogliticcia Brigata di Basayev sgominata. Ma il peggio doveva ancora venire.
Militare del Ministero degli Interni del Daghestan a Karamakhi, 16 settembre 1999
I jihadisti avevano previsto per i primi giorni di settembre una serie di operazioni terroristiche che avrebbero dovuto distogliere l’attenzione dell’opinione pubblica mentre le loro bande, che per quella date avrebbero già dovuto essere giunte in appoggio agli insorti di Karamakhi, avrebbero lanciato il loro assalto finale alla capitale del Daghestan. L’offensiva di terra non aveva avuto successo, ma gli attentati si sarebbero ugualmente svolti. Nella notte tra il 4 ed il 5 settembre una serie di esplosioni scosse tutta la Russia. La prima si ebbe alle 21:45 a Buynaksk, in Daghestan. Un camion contenente 2700 chilogrammi di esplosivo fu fatto esplodere sotto ad un condominio di cinque piani che ospitava le famiglie dei militari della 136a Brigata Motorizzata federale. Morirono 64 persone, tra le quali 23 bambini, mentre altre 146 rimasero ferite. Un secondo camion – bomba, in procinto di esplodere, venne individuato e neutralizzato due ore dopo. Era il preludio della terza fase dell’operazione programmata da Basayev e Khattab, durante la quale un secondo troncone, passando da Khasavyurt, avrebbe dovuto ricongiungersi al primo, nel frattempo penetrato a Karamakhi e diretto a Machachkala. I miliziani attraversarono il confine in più punti, diretti al capoluogo del distretto, Novolaskoye. Il primo drappello si lanciò all’assalto di un posto di blocco presidiato da soldati federali e poliziotti daghestani. I difensori, sopraffatti, ebbero morti e feriti, e sei di loro si arresero sulla promessa di non essere uccisi. Ma una volta abbassate le armi vennero arrestati, processati, e condannati sbrigativamente a morte dal comandante dell’unità miliziana. Vennero sgozzati ai lati di una strada di campagna, e la loro esecuzione venne filmata e registrata su una videocassetta. Il video di quell’orribile crimine fece il giro del mondo, e se ancora qualcuno in Russia avesse avuto qualche remora a dare carta bianca ad Eltsin ed a Putin, anch’egli quel giorno cambiò idea.
Un secondo gruppo di Jihadisti penetrò dentro Novolaskoye. Dopo aver preso in ostaggio un ufficiale della polizia, Eduard Belan ed averlo torturato per conoscere i nomi dei comandanti militari locali, lo mutilarono e lo uccisero brutalmente, dopodiché assaltarono il presidio della polizia locale. I poliziotti russi si difesero strenuamente, ma finirono sotto il tiro dei lanciagranate e dovettero ripiegare verso la stazione di polizia, presidiata dai poliziotti daghestani. Un terzo distaccamento era penetrato in città con l’intenzione di prendere l’altura che dominava la cittadina sulla quale spiccava la torre televisiva. La stazione era presidiata da cinque poliziotti daghestani ed un militare russo armato di mitragliatrice. Contro di loro si lanciarono per un’intera giornata un centinaio di miliziani, venendo respinti per ben sette volte con alte perdite. Soltanto l’esaurimento delle munizioni costrinse il piccolo drappello ad arrendersi. I due superstiti furono giustiziati e sepolti poco lontano. Mentre gli uomini di Basayev e Khattab combattevano a Novolaskoye, i terroristi che li fiancheggiavano continuavano a far scoppiare bombe in tutta la Russia. Il 9 settembre un condominio saltò in aria a Mosca. Morirono 109 persone, molte delle quali donne, anziane e bambini, ed altre 690 rimasero ferite. Un’ondata di sdegno attraversò l’opinione pubblica russa: i giornali di tutto il paese tuonavano contro i fondamentalisti, spingendo affinché Mosca intervenisse per sopprimere quell’ondata terroristica.
Resti del palazzo in Via Goryanov a Mosca, distrutto in un attentato terroristico il 9 Settembre 1999
Putin non aspettava altro, ed ordinò un violento contrattacco. Lo stesso 9 settembre forze federali riconquistavano la torre della televisione sulla sommità della collina che dominava Novolansky. La battaglia fu un vero e proprio tritacarne. Dopo aver preso la cima, le forze federali si trovarono sotto un pesante contrattacco dei miliziani, che coinvolse anche una colonna corazzata giunta in soccorso ed un secondo distaccamento di commando inviato a risolvere la situazione. Cinquecento miliziani piombarono addosso alle truppe federali, che in breve si trovarono circondate ed attaccate da tutti i lati. L’aereonautica, inviata a sostenere il ripiegamento della fanteria, finì per bombardare gli stessi russi, non si sa se per errore del comando o per il sabotaggio dei canali di comunicazione da parte dei miliziani islamisti. I feriti vennero per lo più uccisi sul posto dai jihadisti, ed i loro corpi mutilati. I federali dovettero infine desistere dall’assalto, schierare l’artiglieria campale ed iniziare un fitto bombardamento delle posizioni dei jihadisti, che l’11 settembre si ritirarono definitivamente dal Daghestan e rientrarono nelle loro basi in Cecenia. L’invasione islamista del Daghestan era ufficialmente fallita: era durata cinquanta giorni, aveva provocato la morte di 300 soldati federali ed il ferimento di un altro migliaio. I fondamentalisti avevano perso almeno un migliaio di uomini, ed un altro migliaio dovevano essere stati i feriti. A Grozny, Maskhadov non si faceva illusioni. L’offensiva dello Stato Islamico del Daghestan aveva dato a Putin l’argomento perfetto per porre fine una volta per tutte all’indipendenza della Cecenia.
Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria (ChRI) 