Back to the Constitution: Francesco Benedetti interviews Ikhvan Gerikhanov

Dr. Ikhvan Gerikhanov has served the Chechen Republic since 1991. Doctor in law and specialist in comparative studies in international law, with the statute od judge of the highest category, Gerikhanov was Member of the Executive Committee of the National Congress of the Chechen People, Deputy of Parliament on first convocation, and President of the Constitutional Court from 1993 to 1998. He was one of the main authors of the Constitution of 1992, which still today represents the Basic Law of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.

Today Gerikhanov is the head of the national war crimes tribunal in the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. About this activity, he said: “The objective of our trinbunal is the collection and evaluation of evidence for the assessment of the presence of signs of genocide and ethnocide of the chechen people, starting from the the time of the Tsar’s autocracy, the communist regime and the modern russian invasion on our territory”.

He currently resides in France. The French government refused him and his family a few weeks ago, political refugee status.

We had a long conversation with him about the Constitution, the legitimacy of ChRI governments, as well as some of the most controversial laws, not forgetting his work as President of the Constitutional Court.

Ikhvan Gerikhanov in front of the text of the newly approved Constitution

Dr. Gerikhanov, when talk about a constitution started?

The first debates regarding the writing of the Constitution began at the moment of the creation of the Provisional Supreme Soviet, on September 7, 1991. This body was attended by former deputies of the Chechen-Ingush Supreme Soviet and popular representatives, and was headed by the future Speaker of the Parliament of the Chechen Republic, Hussein Akhmadov. Joint commissions were created, including a juridical commission for the elaboration of legislative projects concerning the election of the President and the Parliament of the Republic. As a member of the National Congress of the Chechen People (OKChN) and as the only legal scholar (at that time I was a district court judge of the Leninsky district of Grozny, and had recently defended a dissertation on international law at the University of Kiev) I was included in this legal commission, chaired by the former Second Secretary of the regional party committee, Lechi Magomadov. A wonderful person. Many people from all professional backgrounds participated in the discussion of these projects. The discussion was publicized in the media, including through television. Every citizen of the Republic was able to participate.

In 1994, when the war broke out, Magomadov would have been among the main exponents of the unionist government. Don’t you think that the work he did in the legal commission contradicts the choice to take the side of Russia during the First World War?

Magomadov was first of all a worthy and loyal person. Secondly, he fully supported the decisions of the Chechen People’s Congress. At that time he supported the reasons of the people, and did not participate in any opposition. From his work the Chechen nation only benefited. He died in Mecca during the pilgrimage.

If we had to judge people by the episodes, keep in mind that between 2010 and 2012 I directed the Arbitration Tribunal of the Chechen Republic, which is not part of the power system, but helps all those who turn to it in the resolution of civil cases . Due to conflicts with the local authorities, as well as the fact that I refused to pay the “tribute”, they tried to initiate a criminal case against me. And for this reason I was forced to leave my fatherland and my father’s house once again.

Therefore, one cannot judge people by episodes, as life makes its own adjustments, and sometimes a person is forced to live side by side with the enemy. Some supporters of independence still work in various structures today, while in the republic the protégés of the Kremlin rule. This does not mean that they have betrayed the idea of \u200b\u200bfreedom!

In the elections of 27 October 1991 you were elected deputy. Do you remember how Parliament developed the work on the Constitution?

I was elected in the Nadterechny constituency. Once formed, the Parliament adopted as a basis the draft already developed by the legal commission of the Provisional Supreme Soviet and, after a general discussion which also took place through the media, in the presence of journalists, jurists and simple interested parties, the Parliament adopted the Constitution of the Republic Chechen on March 12, 1991, a year and a half before Russia adopted its own. Personally, I was one of the main co-authors of the Constitution. The deputies did not have much time to adopt the Basic Law, since Russia had already declared the election of the President and Parliament illegal, and it was urgent to consolidate sovereignty by law, as promised to the Chechen National People’s Congress. Within the walls of the parliament of the Chechen Republic, in the body of lawyers’ deputies, there were very few lawyers, only four people out of 41 deputies, and it was not easy to adopt the Constitution when the body of deputies consisted of former farm workers and builders. But we all faced this task, and the Constitution of the Chechen Republic was adopted by the Parliament of the Chechen Republic, and we all rejoiced this holiday, regardless of profession and religion!

There were many opposition supporters in Nadterechny District. They declared that the elections were a farce and that they did not take place in their controlled areas. How do you respond to these accusations?

During the election period, there were opposition supporters in Nadterechny District, but only in one place, not everywhere. The population still did not realize what was happening, and was rather neutral. I have personally met with voters in two large settlements, where they know me well, and the electoral commission received the ballots and prepared the elections. Two representatives were elected in this constituency. Unfortunately my colleague died heroically in the First War!

After the promulgation of the constitution, the institutions foreseen by the Basic Law began to be established. One of these was the Constitutional Court, of which you were elected president in March 1993. How did this constitution process take place?


In early 1992, the Parliament of the Chechen Republic adopted the law “On the activities of the Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic” and, according to it, the number of judges was determined at seven people. Well-known lawyers from the Republic, from the Ministry of Justice, from the Public Prosecutor’s Office and from the Supreme Court of the Republic took part in the election of the President of the Constitutional Court. Usman Imaev was nominated by the President of the Chechen Republic, while my fellow deputies convinced me to participate in these elections. I can say that all the judges of the Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic were highly qualified specialists and experienced lawyers. I can be proud of all my colleagues who have had the opportunity to work with them, especially Judge Seda Khalidova, who went through a very difficult path with us and did not become a defector from another government, as some judges have done.

The three leaders of the first call parliament: from left to right, Bektimar Mezhidov (Vice-President), Hussein Akhmadov (President), Magomed Gushakayev (Vice-President)

Why did Dudayev want Imaev in that role?

Usman Imaev was a very knowledgeable lawyer and an excellent executor of all orders of Dzhokhar Dudayev. I would have been happy and satisfied if he had been elected head of the Constitutional Court, but the Parliament saw me, probably, not as an executor of someone else’s orders, but as a learned lawyer, and a person of principle. For example, once elected I was the first of the chechen leaders to meet V. Zorkin, President of the Russian Constitutional Court. On that occasion we prepared a joint agreement ready to be signed, but this was not possible due to the current crisis of power in the Republic.

What activities did the Constitutional Court perform?

The Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic fulfilled its direct duties of protection of the constitutional order and in strict compliance with the provisions of the Constitution, regardless of the origin of the legislative acts, be it the President or the Parliament.

We have repeatedly made decisions on the inconsistency of our Constitution with the Decrees of the President and the Parliament of the Chechen Republic, which at first were taken for granted.
Then, when the confrontation between the legislative and executive bodies became an open conflict, the intervention of our court, and that of its president were not fully received correctly and each side wanted to see the Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic as “partisan ”, which was impossible, because the court was established to protect the constitutional order and not the branches of power.

The Constitution establishes that Parliament holds the legislative power, and this has the right to approve presidential appointments and to control the work of civil servants. President Dudayev’s reluctance to follow these instructions has led to serious tensions between the president and parliament. What was the origin of these tensions?

The main reason for the confrontation between the legislature and the executive was the misunderstanding or non-acceptance of the fact that the Republic was parliamentary. Many members of the government, including the President, could not bear it. At the very beginning of the confrontation between these branches of power, the Constitutional Court and its chairman issued dozens of official statements on the need to follow the requirements of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic and on the fact that such an escalation of tension could lead to consequences unpredictable.

I don’t know the reason behind this non-acceptance of the parliamentary nature of the Republic, but I can say that around Dudayev there were many sycophants who could influence his decision. I myself was dumbfounded by his behavior, when he sent a late night messenger asking me or advice on key legal matters. After agreeing on these matters, Dzhokhar publicly stated the opposite, and when I asked him why he did this, he referred to unknown people who convinced him against our agreement!

Many members of the entourage of the President of the Chechen Republic literally influenced Dzhokhar Dudayev about the negative influence of the parliament of the Chechen Republic in state building, having their own personal and mercantile interests. Issues of a legislative nature were resolved at the household level, ignoring the requirements of the Constitution and other regulatory acts. First of all, it was a confrontation between the forces of order: the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Each of them resolved the issue from the point of view of his participation in the process of declaring sovereignty, and not from the legal point of view of fulfilling his direct duties.
All this led to chaos and mutual misunderstanding, while those who could not be authorized to manage state bodies also very actively intervened: various parties, organizations of the elderly, athletes and cultural figures, who were assigned positions in based on their popularity in their business field.


On April 10 and 17, 1993, President Dudayev issued a series of decrees establishing direct presidential rule and dissolving parliament, decrees which were declared illegal by the Constitutional Court. Do you remember exactly what these decrees contained and why he declared them illegal?

The Constitutional Court has recognized the President’s Decrees regarding the dissolution of the supreme legislative body as illegitimate, as they grossly contradict the provisions of the Constitution. The content of the decree of the President of the Chechen Republic on the dissolution of the supreme legislative body of the country stated that, in order to preserve the sovereignty and political system, and due to the loss of confidence in it, in accordance with Art. 73 of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic the Parliament of the Chechen Republic should have been dissolved. In truth, the art. 73 of the Constitution of the CRI does not guarantee the President these powers, not even in times of war. He could suspend the activities of all authorities by imposing martial law, but this was not done at the time, since there was no reason to do so. The action exercised by Dudayev, in legal language is called “seizure of power”. which is prohibited by art. 2 of the Constitution.

As mentioned above, the Constitutional Court has applied all means to resolve this conflict and, as the head of the highest legislative body, I have personally asked and spoken to the President of the Parliament and almost all the deputies, as well as the President of the Republic, so that this confrontation would not result in a violation of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic and in an armed conflict. However, each side considered itself on the right side, and we are all witnesses and eyewitnesses of what happened next. The Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic, on the basis of the obligation to control and safeguard the state system, has correctly pronounced the illegitimacy of the acts of dissolution of the supreme legislative body, not being able otherwise by the judicial body, called to respond to violations of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic.


In the same period, the parliament called a referendum on trust in President Dudayev and in Parliament itself, which the Constitutional Court deemed acceptable. Was this referendum legitimate?


When the confrontation between legislative and executive authority reached a critical point, the Parliament made use of its constitutional right, provided for by paragraph 24 of art. 64 of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic on the popular vote, to hold a referendum on the issue of trust in the authorities and regarding the form of government of the state. This decision is the prerogative of the Parliament of the Chechen Republic and only it can take such a decision, if it deems it necessary, without the consent of any branch of power. These days the crisis of power, with the exception of the judiciary, was in full swing and turned into an open confrontation, with the subsequent armed intervention of the police forces during the dissolution of the Parliament of the Chechen Republic.

Dzhokhar Dudaev votes in the elections of 27 October 1991

On June 3, 1993, Dudayev rejected the opinion of the Constitutional Court regarding the legitimacy of the referendum, declaring it a “perversion of the law”. Why, in your opinion, was Dudayev so against the referendum?


We have tried to solve this process with all diplomatic methods, up to involving respected people and elders. A conciliation group was created headed by the president of the Academy of Sciences, doctor of physical and mathematical sciences Khamzat Ibragimov, in which I was also included. I spoke to Dzhokhar repeatedly on this matter, but after every conversation he did not operate as required by the Constitution. He believed, like everyone in his entourage, that the parliament of the Chechen Republic acts in favor of the opposition, and that the parliamentarians themselves are on several “barricades” of this crisis.

After the coup d’état of 4 June 1993, the Constitutional Court remained the only institution recognized by the Constitution on a permanent basis. On 18 June it issued a statement on the illegality of the government’s actions. Do you remember the contents of this court statement? What reactions has it elicited?



The Constitutional Court of the Chechen Republic suspended work on the administration of justice on my initiative, because after the court decision on the illegality of dissolving the Parliament of the Chechen Republic, our judges and staff began to fear retribution from the radicals , who saw in this decision only an opposition to the President of the Chechen Republic and nothing else. In this regard, this opinion still remains rooted in some supporters of sovereignty today, although there was and could not be any conflict between the Constitutional Court and the President, neither at an institutional level, nor at a personal level. The highest judicial body, within its powers, performed the duties assigned to it to protect the Constitution and the constitutional order, revealing violations that ignored the requirements of the Basic Law of the land, regardless of grades and degrees, and the position held in power and in this society.


How did relations develop between you and Dudayev, and between you and the government in general, after June 1993? Are you under pressure, threats or attempts on your life?

There was no, and there could be no public persecution and threats, since even to my detractors it was clear that I was fulfilling my duties, regardless of the roles and positions of violators of the requirements of the Constitution of the Chechen Republic.


With the outbreak of the First Russo-Chechen War the authorities of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria were placed under martial law. As a lawman, and a senior state official, how did you serve the cause of independence?


Since the beginning of the first war in December 1994, I have been at the forefront of opponents of armed conflict and have organized national and international conferences, as well as roundtables on the cessation of hostilities in my Motherland, condemning Russia’s military and political leadership. Having the moral and institutional responsibility to preserve sovereignty, as well as to stop hostilities on our territory, as president of the Constitutional Court, I have adopted all the methods and means at my disposal to inform the world and the Russian public opinion about the crime of this war and about the existence of the ongoing genocide against my people. To do this, I involved Russian government officials, as well as personally holding press conferences and organizing international conferences, with the participation of world-renowned scientists, conflict specialists and experts from the United Nations.

A number of conferences were held in the building of the international organization “Federation of Peace and Accord”, which has an advisory office at the United Nations. I would like to take this opportunity to express my gratitude to the leadership of this organization, especially to the deputy chairman of the Society, MGIMO professor Andrey Melvil, who impartially helped me and provided every opportunity for the world to hear the voice of the Chechen people, who was being exterminated under carpet bombing by the Russian military forces.

Gerikhanov (right) participates in the negotiations for the release of hostages during the Budennovsk crisis

One of the events that saw you protagonist in the period 1994 – 1996 were the negotiations following the Budennovsk hostage crisis. Why were you involved in these negotiations, and how did they unfold?

During this time I was in Moscow and was approached by the Minister of Nationalities of Russia V. Mikhailov, who asked me for help in freeing the hostages, as I was one of the highest officials of the republic. Naturally I could not refuse this request, knowing that the hostages were women and children. Considering myself morally responsible and in general, as a lawyer and also as a simple person, not accepting this way of making war, I went to the place. Upon arrival in Budennovsk, I went to the headquarters for the release of hostages, where N. Yegorov, the Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation, Stepashin, the director of the FSB and other officials of the Russian side were. Then I went to the hospital, and finally participated in the negotiations and drafting of the documents relating to the conditions for the release of the hostages. At the same time, I had to involve the Prime Minister of the Russian Federation V. Chernomyrdin in this process through Mikhailov in order to have guarantees that the conditions set by Shamil Basaev were met.

My participation in the release of the hostages was decisive, because knowing the situation, I assumed responsibility as an official and as a Chechen: without this happening it would have been impossible to complete this negotiation. I was helped in this by two other compatriots of mine, whom I thank for the courage shown in this situation, in which we were all risking our lives. The important thing was that the result was positive: the hostages were released (over 1200 hostages, mostly women and children) and hostilities on the territory of the republic were stopped, which saved tens and hundreds of civilian lives, and started a dialogue between the warring parties which ended with negotiations peacemakers of Khasavyurt.

Besides that, you worked for the establishment of an international tribunal for Chechnya.

In 1995-1996 I was one of the organizers of the Public International Tribunal for crimes against humanity and war crimes in the Chechen Republic. The presiding judge was Galina Starovoitova, who was killed for her civilian activity by war supporters. The books have been published for some time and are directly accessible via the Internet. The court worked in accordance with the current Russian Criminal Procedure Code, and the collection of materials and evidence took place in the court. The members of the court were former and current deputies of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, as well as well-known world-famous lawyers, both Russian and foreign. Among the observers were well-known specialists and distinguished diplomats.
By the way, one of the experts was Olof Palme’s brother Klaus Palme, and among the diplomats – the last USSR Foreign Minister Pankin. We have conducted several phases of the judicial investigation both inside and outside Russia and have examined evidence bordering on the genocide of the Chechen people. These judicial investigation materials are published in three printed books and are available on the Internet.

“Putin ha iniziato con la mia Cecenia, non si fermerà finchè esisterà l’impero russo” – Monica Perosino intervista Akhmed Zakayev

Quello che segue è il testo integrale di un’intervista realizzata dalla giornalista Monica Perosino de La Stampa al Presidente del Gabinetto dei Ministri della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria.

Monica Perosino

Ahmed Zakayev non ha perso il timbro morbido dell’attore, il russo forbito degli studi a Mosca, le maniere pacate da uomo di cultura e diplomazia. Ma oggi, in una casetta di legno in Ucraina, indossa una maglia militare e la voce trema impercettibilmente quando parla di Mariupol, che «sembra Groznyj», la “sua” Groznyj. Il leader del governo ceceno in esilio è il volto di quello che avrebbe potuto essere la Cecenia ma non è. Lui, uno dei pochi comandanti sopravvissuti alle due guerre con la Russia post-sovietica, della battaglia contro la voracità di Mosca ha fatto ragione di vita: «Dai tempi degli zar a Vladimir Putin la Russia è lo stesso impero colonialista. L’invasione dell’Ucraina non è che una conseguenza delle sue ambizioni imperiali, come lo era la guerra contro la Cecenia e come saranno le prossime guerre finché questa idea imperialista non si dissolverà». In questi giorni Zakayev è in Ucraina, per coordinare i battaglioni ceceni che combattono a fianco delle forze di Kiyv. Neanche un mese fa il parlamento ucraino aveva riconosciuto la Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria. «Si tratta di un gesto molto più che formale» ha scritto Zakayev in una lettera inviata ai Radicali Italiani, che da anni si battono per l’autodeterminazione del popolo ceceno e lottano per l’incriminazione davanti al Tribunale dell’Aja di Vladimir Putin per i crimini di guerra compiuti in Ucraina. «Il popolo ucraino ha riconosciuto nella nostra battaglia la sua stessa battaglia, nelle nostre sofferenze le sue stesse sofferenze, nel nostro destino il suo stesso destino. Non potrà mai esserci libertà per nessuno, finché un solo popolo, e addirittura un solo uomo, dovrà subire la schiavitù».

Presidente Zakayev, nella sua prima vita faceva l’attore, poi il ministro della Cultura. A un certo punto si è trovato con un fucile in mano.

<C’è stato un tempo in cui svolgevo una professione pacifica e creativa: dopo il diploma in Teatro ho lavorato per anni come attore, poi sono diventato ministro della Cultura. Ma quando nel 1994 la Russia ci ha aggrediti io, come migliaia di altri ceceni – medici, insegnanti, cantanti, scrittori, poeti –, ho dovuto imbracciare le armi. Quando le bombe sono iniziate a cadere e i veicoli corazzati sono entrati nelle nostre città non abbiamo avuto altra scelta che cercare di proteggere le nostre famiglie, di difendere la nostra libertà>.

Negli anni di Gorbaciov la formazione di uno Stato ceceno sembrava possibile?

<Sì, continuavo a ripetere: la formazione del nostro Stato è perfettamente in linea con le leggi adottate dal Soviet Supremo dell’URSS nell’aprile 1990 e coerente con i principi e le norme del diritto internazionale. La creazione di una nostra statualità era assolutamente legittima, così come i processi politici in atto nella nostra repubblica in qui tempi. Sono state le riforme avviate da Gorbaciov che ci hanno permesso, come altre Repubbliche dell’Unione Sovietica, di dichiarare la Sovranità di Stato>.

Mikhail Gorbachev

Che cosa significa per la Cecenia – ma anche per la Georgia, ad esempio – essere indipendenti dalla Russia?

<L’indipendenza dalla Russia è la garanzia di poter avere un futuro. La liberazione dalla mano coloniale della Russia è l’unica strada per garantire ai popoli di Ucraina, Georgia, Cecenia-Inguscezia, Repubblica cecena di Ichkeria, e altre repubbliche nazionali la sicurezza e libertà, presente e futura>.

Lei ha combattuto anche durante il terribile assedio di Grozny, l’attacco che l’esercito della Federazione Russa mise in atto fra la fine di dicembre del 1994 e gli inizi di marzo 1995 nell’ambito della Prima guerra cecena. Cose le viene in mente oggi, quando ci pensa?

<A Mariupol. Mariupol è la Grozny ucraina. Entrambe le città sono state rase al suolo, nello stesso identico modo. A Mariupol i russi hanno agito esattamente come a Grozny>.

Secondo lei perché lOccidente ha chiuso gli occhi di fronte alla tragedia della guerra cecena?

<Perché l’Occidente era sicuro che la Russia si sarebbe fermata in Cecenia. Non capivano che la Russia, dopo il crollo dell’Unione Sovietica, non era cambiata nella sua essenza: le ambizioni russe sono sempre state ambizioni imperiali e tali sono rimaste. Ma l’Occidente fu ingannato dalla leadership russa, in particolare da Eltsin e dal Kgb. Parlando al Congresso degli Stati Uniti nel 1992, dopo il crollo dell’URSS, mentre lodava l’America (“la grande terra di libertà e democrazia”) Eltsin dichiarò che tutti gli orrori del mostro comunista non si sarebbero mai più ripetuti, che la Russia aveva

spezzato la spina dorsale a questo mostro. E l’Occidente gli ha creduto.  C’è stata una connivenza criminale, che ha consentito a Eltsin di distruggere interi Paesi nel cuore dell’Europa, con la scusa di normalizzare le relazioni con Mosca.  Il destino della Cecenia, di una nazione intera, è stato tradito e barattato in cambio del benessere e in cambio delle risorse energetiche che l’Occidente e l’Europa ricevevano dalla Russia. Non è stato un errore, è stato un crimine contro il popolo ceceno>.

Manifestazione indipendentista a Grozny

È corretto dire che la guerra scatenata da Putin in Ucraina è una sorta di prosecuzione di quella cecena?

<Assolutamente sì. La guerra scatenata dalla Russia contro l’Ucraina è una continuazione della guerra della Russia contro la Cecenia. Negli ultimi anni la Russia, dopo aver rafforzato le forze armate, ha iniziato a impadronirsi e a conquistare i Paesi vicini. È partita dalla Repubblica cecena di Ichkeria e oggi è già arrivata in Ucraina. Se il mondo avesse fermato la Russia allora, non ci sarebbe stata la guerra in Georgia nel 2008, né oggi in Ucraina. Quella di oggi è la continuazione della guerra che la Russia ha scatenato nel 1994”.

Lei sa che in Occidente, molto spesso parla di «ceceni» e si pensa ai <kadiroviti>, non le fa rabbia?

<Quelli che chiamate “kadiroviti” sono un prodotto russo, quello che Mosca ha fatto a una parte di ceceni con il tacito consenso dell’Occidente. Perché in tutti questi 22 anni di occupazione e fino al 24 febbraio l’Occidente ha sostenuto sia Putin che il regime di Kadyrov in Cecenia. I ceceni sono stati le vittime di questa tragedia, dell’occupazione, dell’ingiustizia. Siamo rimasti soli con questo mostro, anzi, peggio, siamo stati semplicemente traditi. Il mondo si è schierato dalla parte del nostro carnefice. E in tutti questi anni l’ha nutrito e lo ha sostenuto, definendo lo sterminio del popolo ceceno “un affare interno della Russia”. Quando nel 1944 tutti i ceceni, che si opponevano alla sovietizzazione, vennero deportati (in  Kazakhistan e Kirghizistan, ndr), perché, spiegò Stalin agli alleati, “avevano collaborato con i nazisti”. L’Occidente chiuse un occhio, aveva ben presente cosa significasse “nazista”. Stesso schema nel 1994, quando hanno cercato di dire che i ceceni erano affiliati alla mafia ceca, stesso schema per tutti gli Anni 90, quando per qualsiasi crimine fosse commesso in Russia fosse incolpato un ceceno. Poi, dopo l’11 settembre, venne il momento degli “islamisti radicali”. Putin e l’Fsb avevano bisogno di ridurre il “problema ceceno” al problema dei “radicali musulmani”. Il 24 ottobre 2001 Putin dichiarò, mentre la seconda guerra in Cecenia era in corso, di essere pronto ad entrare a far parte della coalizione internazionale per combattere il terrorismo internazionale, ma in cambio voleva che la situazione in Cecenia fosse stata considerata nel contesto della lotta al terrorismo internazionale. E questo, a un certo punto, ha influenzato la comprensione dei politici occidentali, che hanno chiuso un occhio su ciò che Putin sta facendo in Cecenia.

Ramzan Kadyrov stringe la mano a Vladimir Putin

E Ramzan Kadyrov?

<È un collaborazionista, un traditore nazionale, come Quisling. Nei Paesi conquistati ci sono sempre persone che tradiscono il proprio popolo. Kadyrov è un traditore totale, un deviato senza educazione e senza scrupoli, di una spudoratezza e di una violenza senza limiti. Putin ha compreso bene la sua essenza, e lo ha nominato dopo aver eliminato suo padre>

Se Putin non ci fosse le cose sarebbero diverse?

“Certo che no. Finché esisterà l’idea di un impero russo queste guerre non si fermeranno. La strategia per l’Ucraina, per la Georgia, per la Cecenia, è stata sviluppata quando Putin lavorava ancora come taxista. Putin, che ora è al potere, sta semplicemente implementando questa strategia. Quindi, spostare la responsabilità solo su Putin e contare sul fatto che con un cambio di regime la situazione cambierà è un grosso errore. Per fare in modo che la Russia cessi di rappresentare una minaccia per il resto del mondo, non solo per i suoi vicini e per l’Ucraina, questo paese nella forma in cui esiste oggi, deve semplicemente cessare di esistere. Come si può fare? Non lo so, ma so che sarà possibile solo dopo la sconfitta militare della Russia in Ucraina, perché cesserà di esistere per come la conosciamo>

A Londra ha conosciuto Alexander Litvinenko, che rapporto c’era tra di voi?

<Eravamo molto amici, lavoravamo insieme. Nel 2004, il presidente della CRI Aslan Maskhadov mi ha nominato presidente della Commissione per le indagini sui crimini di guerra commessi dalla Russia in Cecenia e su mio suggerimento, Aslan ha incluso in questa commissione sia Alexander Litvinenko che Anna Politkovskaya. Anna Politkovskaya, trovandosi nel territorio della Repubblica cecena, sapeva dove e in quali luoghi erano dislocati i militari russi e chi li comandava, e Alexander Litvinenko conosceva queste persone in servizio, faceva parte del quartier generale, che si trovava a Nalchik, durante la prima guerra russo-cecena – il quartier generale principale della direzione dell’FSB per il la Cecenia. E conosceva tutti quelli coinvolti nella guerra. Penso che, in larga misura, la morte di Alexander e di Anna sia legata alla Commissione sui crimini di guerra>.

Alexander Litvinenko

Cosa le è rimasto impresso di Litvinenko?

<Stavamo parlando delle esplosioni del 1999 (una serie di attentati che hanno colpito quattro condomini nelle città russe di Buynaksk, Mosca e Volgodonsk, che hanno causato la morte di oltre 300 persone, e che, insieme all’invasione del Daghestan, hanno innescato  la seconda guerra cecena, ndr). Io non credevo che gli attentati fossero stati fatti dall’Fsb, all’epoca diretto da Putin, era troppo difficile credere che i russi, che gli stessi servizi speciali russi, potessero far saltare in aria i loro cittadini. Ma Litivinenko la pensava diversamente. Mi disse: “Akmed, metti alla prova la tua fantasia e pensa a qualcosa di terribile, la cosa peggiore che una persona possa fare, la più spaventosa. Qualunque cosa ti venga in mente ti dimostrerò che i servizi russi – dallo zarista Okhrana all’Fsb di oggi – l’ha già fatta. La cosa più terribile che il cervello umano possa immaginare, l’hanno già fatta”. E da quel momento in poi non metto in dubbio nulla per quanto riguarda i servizi speciali russi. Possono fare di tutto per salvare questo sistema. Possono sacrificare chiunque per salvare questo sistema. Questo è ciò che il mondo intero dovrebbe ricordare”.

Secondo lei come finirà questa guerra?

<Sono appena tornato dal Kherson, e posso dire con sicurezza che l’Ucraina non si tirerà indietro. Anche se l’Occidente dovesse stancarsi e la lasciasse sola contro la Russia, l’Ucraina non si arrenderà mai. L’Ucraina si batterà per i suoi territori, per la sua terra e per il suo futuro. Non ci sono dubbi su questo. Sono altrettanto sicuro che l’Occidente sosterrà l’Ucraina fino alla fine, ormai è troppo coinvolto e che alla fine l’Ucraina vincerà. Nel farlo libererà il mondo dalla minaccia dell’Impero russo, perché persa la guerra l’Impero russo cesserà di esistere>.

Cherson appena liberata dall’esercito ucraino

FREEDOM SOLD OR WAR BOUGHT? – REFLECTIONS BY APTI BATALOV (part 1)

I believe I am not mistaken when I say that one of the tragedies of the Chechen people originated on the day when Chechnya proclaimed itself an independent state. After choosing the first president, the Chechens naively believed that Russia would respect their choice. After all, Yeltsin said “take all the freedom you can swallow!” The Chechens did not know that “Swallowing freedom” they would regurgitate their blood.

The conquest of freedom

The Russians did not recognize the presidential elections held on October 27, 1991 in Chechnya. Rejecting any possibility of peaceful separation from Chechnya, the Kremlin has focused on the definitive solution of the Chechen “problem”. In planning actions against Chechen sovereignty, it was obvious that the Russian government would prioritize provocative and subversive activities, and this was evident from the growing activity of pro-Russian provocateurs on the territory of Chechnya. Funded and armed by Moscow, the leaders of the “anti-Dudaevites” began to form criminal groups under the cover of political slogans, calling themselves “opposition of the Dudaev regime”. In reality, the ideologues of this movement were full-time agents of the Russian special services and, following the instructions of the Lubyanka , they caused a civil war in the Chechens. Through these ” Mankurts ” [1], in the first half of the 90s of the twentieth century, Chechnya was transformed into a land of internal contrasts and social instability. Having already gained political independence from Moscow, many officials who held high positions in the state did what they could to discredit the idea of independence. With their actions they compromised the government, corrupted it, doing everything to make the Chechens repent of their choice. Every day, these people desecrated the idea of a free and sovereign state, and achieved many successes in this action, furthering the premises of the 1994/1996 Russo-Chechen War.

However, one detail had not been taken into consideration: the war imposed by the Kremlin would have ignited the genetic memory of the Chechens. All the people, with rare exceptions, took up arms and stood up to defend that choice. Evidently, after receiving the order to intensify their activities, the Russian special services agents began to increase their efforts to destabilize the political, economic and social situation throughout the Ichkeria territory. By sowing discord among the leaders of the state, creating an atmosphere of mutual distrust and enmity in the relations between yesterday’s comrades, the Russian mercenaries achieved the objectives set by Moscow. Instead of rallying around the president, in this hard and difficult time for the fate of the Chechen nation, and exercising their authority to defend and strengthen the authority of Ichkeria, the leaders of the country faced each other in the political arena with every sort of intrigue, against each other, using their credit only for speculative and populist purposes. After withdrawing troops from Ichkeria in 1996, the Russians invaded it with their agents. Terrible times came for Ichkeria, banditry assumed the proportions of a national catastrophe, kidnapping and the slave trade became the profession of a significant part of the former freedom fighters, lack of work and poverty swelled the ranks of criminals.

Heroes yesterday, enemies today

Thus there was no effective authority in Ichkeria. The comrades in arms of the President of yesterday, having had the opportunity to strengthen it, did not do so, but rather, having become politicians, they were the real antagonists of the President, doing everything to weaken his power. On every occasion, and under various pretexts, his authority was undermined: not a day passed without some “emergency” directed against the President. At that time I was convinced that these antagonists wanted to break Maskhadov psychologically. Imagine the state in which a person subjected to daily torture can be, every day more sophisticated and insidious. One fine day, the President collapsed… all this turmoil around the presidency drove the people to despair, their faith in authority and yesterday’s heroes disappeared. Social inequality, the absence of any guarantee of security, corrupt authorities at all levels, poverty and devastation: the Chechen people faced the 1999 war in these conditions … With an economic blockade, political and information isolation in place, the Chechen leadership he had no way of adequately preparing for Russian aggression.

The signs that the Russians were preparing a new war against Ichkeria appeared as early as February – March 1999. In February 1999, a demonstration of many thousands of people was held in support of the President’s policy in the city of Dzhokhar [formerly Grozny, NDR ]. The participants in the demonstration approved and supported in unison Maskhadov, the foreign and internal policy he pursued, and expressed the desire and willingness to take up arms to restore order in the country. Two or three Russian journalists were present at this gathering, being able to work without any restrictions. They assured me that the Russian media would report the demonstration, but not a single TV channel mentioned it. On the other hand, Russian public opinion began to be influenced by the idea that Maskhadov was a weak and indecisive person, that he had lost the support of the people, that power in Ichkeria was in the hands of the field commanders, that banditry and the slave trade flourished in Ichkeria. Obviously it would be wrong to deny these claims, which were partly true, but that the people did not support Maskhadov, or that he was weak, that was an absolute lie. The Chechen people had responded to the President’s appeal, and were willing to defend him. But the Russian media hid this fact from their audience. As for the field commanders, most of them obeyed without question the President and Commander the Chief of the Armed Forces.

But, as they say, no family is without monsters. On the occasion of the second anniversary of the signing of the Peace Treaty between Ichkeria and Russia on May 12 , 1997, well-organized celebrations were held in the city of Dzhokhar: events were held in the city center, horse races were held on the outskirts of the capital, with prizes in prize money, including “VAZ” 6 car models. It was a bright and festive day, during which the Ichkeria leadership showed all its desire for peace with Russia. Once again, Russian TV reporters worked on the event, as always without restrictions. And once again the media did not say a single word about the fact that similar celebrations were held in the city of Dzhokhar. All of this suggested that there would be no celebration the following year.


[1] Figuratively speaking, the word ” mankurt ” refers to people who have lost touch with their ethnic homeland , who have forgotten their kinship . For further information: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mankurt

Исповедь несостоявшегося фермера, или как я потерял Родину (или она меня)

   

(Воспоминания Хамзата)

Дело было давно, однажды большая Родина (СССР) приказала всем перестроиться, я с удовольствием согласился и врoде бы с не пыльной и стабильной работы решил переключиться в фермеры. Я знал что это тяжелый и затратный труд но трудностей я не боялся, был задор, чувство собственника и желание работать на себя. Каких трудов и нервов стоило получить землю описывать не буду, уж лучше изложу чем все это закончилось. 1992 г. организовал фермерское  хозяйство закатал рукава и работа закипела. В течении первых двух лет удалось сколотить 2 трактора и весь набор прицепных и навесных сельхоз.агрегатов за исключением комбайна. Были случаи когда местному совхозу помогал техникой а совхоз  одалживал комбайн.

И вот наступил 1994 г а дело происходило в Чечне. Родина будучи недовольной тем что её часть решила “свалить” нагнала в республику столько брони и пушечного мяса, что дело запахло жареным, имя Родины было – Русская Армия. Под Родиной я также имею ввиду любого чиновника от сельской администрации до Главного Скрепохранителя а также любого кто носить униформу. Путаясь под ногами y воюющих сторон, руководствуясь поговоркой: Война войной а кушать надо!, под обстрелами вертолетных ракет мне удалось засеять озимые, весной умудрился посадить картофель и овощные.

А в то время земли совхозов успели зарасти бурьяном. Родина (армия) в поисках безопасного места для боевой позиции перед штурмом села Бамут обнаружила мое поле наиболее подходящим и безопасным, так как засеянное поле как бы гарантировало отсутствие мин (эх…надо было поставить).Узнав об этом я набрался смелости (а оказалось наглости) пошел к Родине чтобы взглянуть ей в глаза, прежде чем увидел глаза Родины моему взоры предстала удручающая картина, помимо солдатских окопов земля была изрыта огромными ямами для танков, БТРов и другой техники. Весь верхний плодоносный, гумусный слой земли вместе с урожаем ушел вниз а на поверхность была поднята желтая глина и мое поле скорее напоминала шахматную доску.

Потом я перевел свoй взгляд на Родину, вид у него был страшный, можно сказать отвратительный, Родина вся былa грязнaя и голоднaя онa нагло смотрелa мне в глаза и поедалa мой картофель, который откапывалa тут же у себя из под ног. Нa мой недоуменный вопрос: Что она (Родина) делает на моем поле? Ответила, что наводит конституционный порядок. -Hеужели для этого надо было уничтожать урожай? спросил я, лучше бы я не спрашивал, спасибо что живым отпустили, еле унес ноги.

Спустя некоторое время местная малая Родина (республиканский минсельхоз), предложила все эти убытки и упушенную выгоду запротоколировать и когда наступят лучшие времена большая Родина возместит. Так я и сделал, еще год ушел на восстановление земли чтобы можно было ее рaспахивать и обрабатывать. Более менее оправившись от железных объятий “Старшего Брата” я встретил второе пришествие Родины 1999 г. на этот paз Родина погубила мой урожай, не на поле брани, а будучи уже убранным, тo есть: наученный первой войной народ свалил по близлежащим республикам, а из-за отсутствия рынка сбыта, урожай мой пропал, проросшие лук пришлось выкинуть

Междувоенное время я вспомнил об актах погубленного урожая в первую войну которые чудом сохранились. С этими исками я пошел к Родине, мол так и так… Родина даже не поинтересовалась а правильно ли я калькулировал свои убытки не приписал ли я что-то лишнее, Родину (минсельхоз) прежде всего интересовало откачу ли я ей необходимый процент из той денежной компенсации, которую она окажет моему фермерскому хозяйству. Не договорившись с Родиной мы разошлись. Еще некоторое время ушло в надежде на что Родина когда ни будь меня заметит и будет кредитовать. Но львиную долю республиканского бюджета поедали правоОХРЕНЕТели, которые росли как на дрожжах и на каждом шагу как грибы после дождя. У меня окончательно опустились руки дa и здоровье тоже было уже не то.

Я возненавидел Родину, потом ненависть тихо перешла в презрение, единственное мое желание было, не видеть эту Родину в глаза. И покинуть eё – навсегда, но и возможности (материально) тоже не было. И вот однажды с этим мерзким чувством я последний раз пошел к Родине (минсельхоз) чтобы высказать ей все что думаю о ней и заодно попросить у нее денег чтобы… свалить. И каково же было мое удивление, когда Родина согласилась дать мне денег, ну разумеется за определенную мзду.

Родина сама придумала схему выдачи мне денег, Это была разовая помощь на посевную, от которой я должен “откатить”… 60%. Мы ударили по рукам я получил энную сумму, откатил соответствующую часть, взял семью под мышку и меня только и видели. Напоследок перед тем как шагнуть на трап свoего “философского пароходa” я обернулся назад чтобы последний раз взглянуть своими влажными глазами, в глаза Родине – на прощание. Даже моего прощального взгляда Родина не видела, ей было не до меня, она нервно подсчитывала свою долю”.

CHECHENS, SHOW THAT YOU ARE A UNITED NATION! – INTERVIEW WITH USMAN FERZAULI

(English Version)

Usman Ferzauli, former First Deputy Foreign Minister and Director of the Department of Foreign Intelligence, then Minister of Foreign Affairs and Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Kingdom of Denmark, in service until 2016, has agreed to answer some of our questions on the current situation of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria.

As a senior officer of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, you have gone through all stages of the republic’s history, from the most glorious to the most difficult. Today you support the cause of Chechnya from Europe. How is the management of Ichkeria experiencing this difficult and delicate moment?

I must say that today I am not an Ichkeria official on active duty . I believe that this status allows me to be more objective and free in the choice of terms to define the processes related to Ichkeria, without violating anyone’s rights or ambitions. I cannot speak on behalf of all Chechens, but I would insult the memory of my brothers in arms, who gave their lives for the sake of Ichkeria’s freedom, if I did not talk about what we all dreamed of and what we have dedicated our lives. Everyone is going through this difficult time in their own way. There are more than half a million Chechens outside of Ichkeria and Russia, and they are integrated into the social strata of their home countries. About three hundred thousand live in the territory of Russia proper. The remainder resides in Ichkeria. Our people have gone through a very difficult path, in the last 30 years we have faced 2 ethnic cleanups, which European politicians have called simply “… violation of human rights”. We have lost a quarter of the population during the wars and there is no family in Ichkeria that has not lost a loved one during this time. I mention these facts only because all this lives in us, in our children. And any information that mentions the word Ichkeria is a kind of detonator for all of us. Unfortunately, today I do not see a single national concept capable of developing mechanisms to get out of this difficult situation. Furthermore, it is not entirely ethical to try to change something in Ichkeria while sitting thousands of kilometers from the Homeland. Finally, I do not allow anyone to ask those Chechens living in Ichkeria today to engage in an open confrontation with the occupying authorities, because today Ichkeria is similar to Ukraine during the occupation by Nazi Germany. Ichkeria is governed by the dictatorship of the federal authorities. People are absolutely helpless. People have no right to be heard, to have their own opinion different from the official versions. The corruption is nationwide. This is the situation we are in …


A few days ago, the Ukrainian parliament recognized Ichkeria as a state illegally occupied by the Russian Federation and recognized the genocide committed by the Russians against the Chechens. How do you rate this event for Chechnya?

We are all happy with this step and we give an enthusiastic evaluation to these acts of the fraternal Ukrainian people. Thousands of our compatriots today fight together with the Ukrainians for a noble cause: against an aggressor who has no morals, pity, dignity. Undoubtedly, the recognition of Ichkeria as a temporarily occupied state and the establishment of a commission to investigate the genocide against our people are but the first glimpses of our people’s hopes for freedom and the consequent prosecution of military and political criminals. But this is a very tiring path, which will first of all require the unity of us Chechens, which unfortunately I do not see at the moment. The very concept of independence must go beyond the national framework with the involvement of international experts, support groups in the broad sense and, above all, an international administration set up for the transition period. Today the Chechens are divided globally and a peaceful solution to the problem of unification is, to put it mildly, very prosaic. Unfortunately, we still don’t find similar support from political leaders in European countries and North America and there are no clear signs that this will happen in the foreseeable future. But we are patient people, we have been waiting for 300 years, we will wait for more.

The forces demanding continuity with the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria today seem divided and sometimes even in conflict with each other, delegitimizing each other. What is the reason for this fragmentation?

This is a very sensitive issue. I am not an advocate of public whipping of my countrymen, no matter how much scoundrel they may be. Unfortunately, nothing is changing and they apparently haven’t learned from past mistakes. Somehow, the esteemed Vytautas Landsbergis, observing the disunity of the Chechens, said: “ My dear Chechens, well, show at least once that you are one united nation! “ The reason for the fragmentation of these groups (I cannot call them otherwise) are the sick ambitions of some and the very high presumption of others. We have already overcome this path of fragmentation in 1997, on the eve of the election of the President of the CRI and after, when the people who had to unite the people became a disaster for their own . nation . After the end of the first war, the lustration law was passed. But this law was not applied to domestic traitors and people who actively cooperated with the aggressor. Eventually, everything went back to anarchy. The same trend is observed today. Defectors, people who collaborated with the occupation regime and mere adventurers, as well as those who betrayed President Aslan Maskhadov, tempted by the conspiratorial ideas of controlling oil pipelines and uniting Chechnya and Dagestan, position themselves as the main “activists. of the liberation movement “.

How do the Chechen population at home and the diaspora in Europe perceive the litigation of various organizations defending the independence of Chechnya? And how credible are these organizations among the civilian population?

The feelings are very negative . The most interesting thing is that all these groups protect the interests of the group itself, which they arbitrarily declare to be the interests of the people of Ichkeria. As can be seen from publications and personal communication, there are conflicting statements. Someone renewed the ideas of the Caliphate with the establishment of Sharia law in Ichkeria immediately. Someone will go to war directly in the Chechen Republic and thus “free” Ichkeria from the invaders, with all the bloody consequences that will ensue. This is nothing but an illusion. There are also demands on the government of Ukraine to recognize Dagestan’s independence. We are not interested in Dagestan and we do not have the right to speak on behalf of the peoples of Dagestan, where 52 ethnic groups live and there is not a single dominant one. Throughout our history, we have not had a single beneficial idea from Dagestan, only conflicts, conflicts, wars, devastation and betrayal. Furthermore, the international community, primarily the European Union and the countries of North America, see Russia in the future as a united, stable and predictable country within its current borders. And our appeals for the recognition of the independence of Russian autonomies can be mistaken for attempts to divide Russia itself, and therefore we pour water on the mill of Russian propaganda. Yes, we are for the freedom of all peoples, but first of all we must not forget our national interests. Since our independence in principle also depends on the outside world, it is necessary to speak in a language that is acceptable and understandable to the world, leaving verbosity and rhetoric unacceptable to parlor adventurers.

Do you think it makes sense that the various institutional groups that call themselves “legitimate” come together as one and put aside their differences instead of acting independently? Or do you think there is someone among them worthy of leading others?

I am deeply convinced that Ichkeria should achieve independence without bloodshed, military confrontations and destructive wars. We’ve been through all of this before. One thing is quite clear to me, that without the consent of Russia, Ichkeria will not receive independence in that classic civilian form, as has happened before with the colonial territories. I am absolutely certain that no country in the world will announce a single sanction against Russia due to the violence and colonization of Ichkeria. We have seen all of this during two bloody wars. And in these matters, we need the political support of Ukraine and its partners. It is quite obvious that in matters of cooperation with Ichkeria, if this process continues, Ukraine needs a force that can be represented on behalf of the people of Ichkeria. And if all these groups really want freedom for their country, it is necessary to leave their ambitions alone and form a working group to carry this project forward .

At the moment, many young Chechens are fighting alongside the Ukrainian army, mainly on the Kherson front. It is clear that their battle is not only for the defense of Ukraine, but also for the restoration of Chechnya’s independence. If you could talk to each of them, what would you tell them?

With obvious envy, in the good sense of the word, I watch our boys participate in this war. It would be unethical to teach them something, because with their example they set an example and hope for all Chechens. For me, in principle, it does not matter what they are guided by. But to each, individually, I would give my hand and hug, as Chechen men do. We Chechens are laconic and don’t compliment each other, but I’m extremely proud to belong to the people they represent. Once again, they fully showed the whole world their nobility and the potential for courage in the fight against a common enemy. In my prayers I ask the Almighty to grant them health, good humor and long life in their free homeland.

How does the political fragmentation of the CRI affect those same soldiers fighting at the front under the Ichkeria banner?

At this stage, these guys are busy with their noble cause and, for objective reasons, don’t pay much attention to this issue. I know that there have been unsuccessful attempts by some groups to subjugate these battalions to themselves by luring them “under the banner of Ichkeria”. But the problem with the latter is that these guys since 2014, in one way or another, under the Ichkeria banner, position themselves as Ichkerians. At the same time, they are integrated into the structures of the Ukrainian armed forces, accept and carry out the tasks assigned to them by the command. Therefore, I doubt that at this stage they can be affected in any way beyond their functional responsibilities.

CECENI, MOSTRATE CHE SIETE UNA NAZIONE UNITA! – INTERVISTA AD USMAN FERZAULI

(Versione Italiana)

Usman Ferzauli, ex Primo Vice Ministro degli Esteri e Direttore del Dipartimento di Intelligence Estera, poi Ministro degli Affari Esteri ed Ambasciatore Straordinario e Plenipotenziario presso il Regno di Danimarca, in servizio fino al 2016, ha acconsentito a rispondere ad alcune nostre domande sulla situazione attuale della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria.

Come alto ufficiale della Repubblica cecena di Ichkeria, hai attraversato tutte le fasi della storia della repubblica, dalle più gloriose alle più difficili. Oggi sostieni la causa della Cecenia dall’Europa. Come sta vivendo questo momento difficile e delicato la dirigenza di Ichkeria?

Devo dire che oggi non sono un funzionario di Ichkeria in servizio attivo. Credo che questo status mi permetta di essere più obiettivo e libero nella scelta dei termini per definire i processi relativi all’Ichkeria, senza violare i diritti o le ambizioni di qualcuno. on posso parlare a nome di tutti i ceceni, ma insulterei la memoria dei miei fratelli d’armi, che hanno dato la vita per il bene della libertà di Ichkeria, se non parlassi di ciò che tutti abbiamo sognato e di ciò cui abbiamo dedicato le nostre vite. Ognuno sta attraversando questo momento difficile a modo suo. Ci sono più di mezzo milione di ceceni al di fuori di Ichkeria e della Russia, e sono integrati negli strati sociali dei loro paesi di residenza. Circa trecentomila vivono nel territorio della Russia vera e propria. Il resto risiede in Ichkeria. Il nostro popolo ha attraversato un percorso molto difficile, negli ultimi 30 anni abbiamo affrontato 2 pulizie etniche, che i politici europei hanno chiamato semplicemente “…violazione dei diritti umani”. Abbiamo perso un quarto della popolazione durante le guerre e non c’è famiglia a Ichkeria che non abbia perso la persona amata durante questo periodo. Cito questi fatti solo perché tutto questo vive in noi, nei nostri figli. E qualsiasi informazione che menzioni la parola Ichkeria è una specie di detonatore per tutti noi. Purtroppo non vedo oggi un unico concetto nazionale in grado di sviluppare meccanismi per uscire da questa difficile situazione. Inoltre, non è del tutto etico cercare di cambiare qualcosa a Ichkeria mentre si è seduti a migliaia di chilometri dalla Patria. Infine, non permetto a nessuno di chiedere a quei ceceni che oggi vivono a Ichkeria di avviare un confronto aperto con le autorità occupanti, perché oggi Ichkeria è simile all’Ucraina durante l’occupazione da parte della Germania nazista. In Ichkeria vige la dittatura delle autorità federali. Le persone sono assolutamente impotenti. Le persone non hanno il diritto di essere ascoltate, di avere la propria opinione diversa dalle versioni ufficiali. La corruzione è su scala nazionale. Questa è la situazione in cui ci troviamo…


Pochi giorni fa, il parlamento ucraino ha riconosciuto Ichkeria come uno stato occupato illegalmente dalla Federazione Russa e ha riconosciuto il genocidio commesso dai russi contro i ceceni. Come valuti questo evento per la Cecenia?

Siamo tutti contenti di questo passo e diamo una valutazione entusiasta a questi atti del fraterno popolo ucraino. Migliaia di nostri connazionali oggi combattono insieme agli ucraini per una nobile causa: contro un aggressore che non ha morale, pietà, dignità. Indubbiamente, il riconoscimento di Ichkeria come stato temporaneamente occupato e l’istituzione di una commissione che indaghi sul genocidio contro il nostro popolo non sono altro che i primi barlumi delle speranze del nostro popolo di ottenere la libertà e il conseguente perseguimento di criminali militari e politici. Ma questo è un percorso molto faticoso, che richiederà prima di tutto l’unità di noi ceceni, che purtroppo al momento non vedo. Il concetto stesso di indipendenza deve andare oltre il quadro nazionale con il coinvolgimento di esperti internazionali, gruppi di sostegno in senso lato e, soprattutto, di una amministrazione internazionale costituita per il periodo di transizione. Oggi i ceceni sono divisi a livello globale e una soluzione pacifica al problema dell’unificazione è, per usare un eufemismo, molto prosaica. Sfortunatamente, non troviamo ancora un sostegno simile da parte dei leader politici nei paesi europei e nel Nord America e non ci sono segnali chiari che ciò accadrà nel prossimo futuro . Ma siamo persone pazienti, stiamo aspettando da 300 anni, ne aspetteremo ancora.

Le forze che chiedono continuità con la Repubblica cecena di Ichkeria oggi sembrano divise e talvolta addirittura in conflitto tra loro, delegittimandosi a vicenda. Qual è il motivo di questa frammentazione?

Questa è una questione molto delicata. Non sono un sostenitore della fustigazione in nome pubblico dei miei connazionali, non importa quanto farabutti possano essere. Sfortunatamente, nulla sta cambiando e a quanto pare non hanno imparato dagli errori del passato. In qualche modo, lo stimato Vytautas Landsbergis, osservando la disunione dei ceceni, disse: “Miei cari ceceni, bene, mostrate almeno una volta che siete un’unica nazione unita!” Il motivo della frammentazione di questi gruppi (non posso chiamarli diversamente) sono le malate ambizioni di alcuni e l’altissima presunzione di altri. Abbiamo già superato questo percorso di frammentazione nel 1997, alla vigilia delle elezioni del Presidente della CRI e dopo, quando la gente che doveva unire il popolo divenne un disastro per la sua stessa nazione. Dopo la fine della prima guerra, fu approvata la legge sulla lustrazione. Ma questa legge non è stata applicata ai traditori nazionali e alle persone che hanno collaborato attivamente con l’aggressore. Alla fine, tutto è tornato all’anarchia. La stessa tendenza si osserva oggi. I disertori, le persone che hanno collaborato con il regime di occupazione ed i semplici avventurieri, così come coloro che hanno tradito il presidente Aslan Maskhadov, tentati dalle idee cospirative di controllare gli oleodotti e unire Cecenia e Daghestan, si posizionano come i principali “attivisti del movimento di liberazione”.

Come percepiscono la popolazione cecena in patria e la diaspora in Europa il contenzioso di varie organizzazioni che difendono l’indipendenza della Cecenia? E quanto sono credibili queste organizzazioni tra la popolazione civile?

Le percepiscono in modo molto negativo. La cosa più interessante è che tutti questi gruppi tutelano gli interessi del gruppo stesso, che dichiarano arbitrariamente essere interessi del popolo di Ichkeria. Come si vede dalle pubblicazioni e dalla comunicazione personale, ci sono dichiarazioni contrastanti. Qualcuno ha rinnovato le idee del Califfato con l’istituzione della legge della Sharia in Ichkeria immediatamente. Qualcuno andrà in guerra direttamente nella Repubblica Cecena e così “liberarà” Ichkeria dagli invasori, con tutte le sanguinose conseguenze che ne conseguiranno. Questa non è altro che un’illusione. Ci sono anche richieste al governo dell’Ucraina di riconoscere l’indipendenza del Daghestan. Non ci interessa il Daghestan e non abbiamo il diritto di parlare a nome dei popoli del Daghestan, dove vivono 52 gruppi etnici e non ce n’è uno solo dominante. Nel corso della nostra storia, non abbiamo avuto una sola idea benefica dal Daghestan, solo conflitti, conflitti, guerre, devastazioni e tradimenti. Inoltre, la comunità internazionale, in primis l’Unione Europea ei Paesi del Nord America, vedono la Russia nel futuro come un Paese unito, stabile e prevedibile entro i suoi attuali confini. E i nostri appelli al riconoscimento dell’indipendenza delle autonomie russe possono essere scambiati per tentativi di dividere la Russia stessa, e quindi versiamo acqua sul mulino della propaganda russa. Sì, siamo per la libertà di tutti i popoli, ma prima di tutto non dobbiamo dimenticare i nostri interessi nazionali. Poiché la nostra indipendenza in linea di principio dipende anche dal mondo esterno, è necessario parlare in una lingua che sia accettabile e comprensibile per il mondo, lasciando verbosità e retorica inaccettabile agli avventurieri da salotto.

Pensi che abbia senso che i vari gruppi istituzionali che si definiscono “legittimi” si uniscano come un’unica realtà e mettano da parte le loro differenze invece di agire in modo indipendente? O pensi che tra loro ci sia qualcuno degno di guidare gli altri?

Sono profondamente convinto che Ichkeria dovrebbe ottenere l’indipendenza senza spargimenti di sangue, scontri militari e guerre distruttive. Abbiamo già passato tutto questo. Una cosa è del tutto chiara per me, che senza il consenso della Russia, Ichkeria non riceverà l’indipendenza in quella classica forma civile, come è successo prima con i territori coloniali. Sono assolutamente certo che nessun Paese al mondo annuncerà una sola sanzione contro la Russia a causa della violenza e della colonizzazione di Ichkeria. Abbiamo visto tutto questo durante due sanguinose guerre. E in queste questioni, abbiamo bisogno del sostegno politico dell’Ucraina e dei suoi partner. È abbastanza ovvio che in materia di cooperazione con Ichkeria, se questo processo continua, l’Ucraina ha bisogno di una forza che possa essere rappresentata a nome del popolo di Ichkeria. E se tutti questi gruppi vogliono davvero la libertà per il loro paese, è necessario lasciare in pace le loro ambizioni e formare un gruppo di lavoro per portare avanti questo progetto.

Al momento, molti giovani ceceni stanno combattendo a fianco dell’esercito ucraino, principalmente sul fronte di Kherson. È chiaro che la loro battaglia non è solo per la difesa dell’Ucraina, ma anche per il ripristino dell’indipendenza della Cecenia. Se potessi parlare con ciascuno di loro, cosa diresti loro?

 Con palese invidia, nel buon senso della parola, osservo i nostri ragazzi partecipare a questa guerra. Non sarebbe etico insegnare loro qualcosa, perché con il loro esempio danno un esempio e una speranza a tutti i ceceni. Per me, in linea di principio, non importa da cosa sono guidati. Ma a ciascuno, individualmente, darei la mano e l’abbraccio, come fanno gli uomini ceceni. Noi ceceni siamo laconici e non ci complimentiamo a vicenda, ma sono estremamente orgoglioso di appartenere alle persone che loro rappresentano. Ancora una volta, hanno mostrato pienamente al mondo intero la loro nobiltà e il potenziale di coraggio nella lotta contro un nemico comune. Nelle mie preghiere chiedo all’Onnipotente di concedere loro salute, buon umore e lunga vita nella loro libera patria.

In che modo la frammentazione politica della CRI colpisce quegli stessi soldati che combattono al fronte sotto la bandiera di Ichkeria?

In questa fase, questi ragazzi sono impegnati con la loro nobile causa e, per ragioni oggettive, non prestano molta attenzione a questo problema. So che ci sono stati tentativi infruttuosi da parte di alcuni gruppi di soggiogare questi battaglioni a se stessi, attirandoli “sotto la bandiera di Ichkeria”. Ma il problema di quest’ultimo è che questi ragazzi dal 2014, in un modo o nell’altro, sotto la bandiera di Ichkeria, si posizionano come Ichkeriani. Allo stesso tempo, sono integrati nelle strutture delle forze armate ucraine, accettano e attuano i compiti loro assegnati dal comando. Pertanto, dubito che in questa fase possano essere influenzati in alcun modo al di là delle loro responsabilità funzionali.

Чеченцы, покажите, что вы сплочённая нация!
Интервью с Усманом Ферзаули

(русскоязычная версия)

Усман Ферзаули, бывший первый заместитель министра иностранных дел и директор Департамента внешней разведки, затем министр иностранных дел и Чрезвычайный и Полномочный Посол в Королевстве Дания, на службе до 2016 года, согласился ответить на некоторые наши вопросы о текущей ситуации. Чеченской Республики Ичкерия.

Вы как высокопоставленный офицер Чеченской Республики Ичкерия прошли все этапы истории республики, от самого славного до самого трудного. Сегодня вы поддерживаете дело Чечни из Европы. Как руководство Ичкерии переживает этот сложный и деликатный момент?

Должен сказать, что я сегодня не в руководстве Ичкерии. Считаю, что данный статус позволяет мне быть более объективным и свободным в выборе терминов определения процессов касающихся Ичкерии, не ущемляя чьих то прав или амбиций. Я так же не могу говорить от имени всех чеченцев, но я бы оскорбил память моих братьев по оружию, которые отдали свои жизни ради свободы Ичкерии, если бы не стал говорить о том, о чём мы все мечтали и чему посвятили свою жизнь. Это сложное время каждый переживает по-своему. За пределами Ичкерии и России более полумиллиона чеченцев и они интегрированы в социальных слоях стран проживания. Порядка триста тысяч проживают на территории собственно России. Ну и остальные в Ичкерии. Наш народ прошел очень трудный путь, буквально за последние 30 лет мы пережили 2 этнические чистки, которые европейские политики называли просто «..нарушением прав человека». Мы потеряли в процессе войн четверть населения, и нет в Ичкерии семьи, кто не потерял своего близкого человека именно в этот период. Я привожу эти факты только потому, что все это живёт в нас, в наших детях. И любая информация, где упоминается слово Ичкерия,  является для всех нас своего рода детонатором. К сожалению, я не вижу сегодня единой национальной концепции действий, способной выработать механизмы выхода из этой сложной ситуации. Более того, не совсем этично сидя за тысячи километров вдали от Родины, пытаться что-то изменить в Ичкерии. Я так же не допускаю, чтобы кто-либо требовал от тех чеченцев, которые проживают сегодня в Ичкерии, начал открытое противостояние с оккупационными властями, потому что сегодня Ичкерия подобна Украине во время оккупации нацистской Германией. В Ичкерии диктатура федеральных властей. Люди абсолютно бесправные. У людей нет прав быть услышанными, иметь собственное мнение отличное от официальных версий. Коррупция в национальном масштабе. Это та ситуация, в которой мы варимся…


Несколько дней назад украинский парламент признал Ичкерию государством, незаконно оккупированным Российской Федерацией, и признал геноцид, совершенный русскими в отношении чеченцев. Как вы оцениваете это событие для Чечни?

Мы все в восторге от этого шага и даём этим актам братского Украинского народа должную оценку. Тысячи наших земляков сегодня сражаются вместе с Украинцами за благородное дело – против агрессора, не имеющего ни морали, ни жалости, ни достоинства. Безусловно, признание Ичкерии временно оккупированным государством и совершения геноцида в отношении нашего народа есть не что иное, как первые проблески надежд нашего народа на обретение свободы и последующего привлечения к ответственности военно-политических преступников. Но это очень трудоёмкий путь, который потребует в первую очередь от нас, чеченцев, сплочённости, чего я, к сожалению, не вижу на данный момент. Сама концепция обретения независимости должна выйти за национальные рамки с вовлечением международных экспертов, группы поддержки в широком смысле и, самое главное, сформированная международная администрация на переходный период. Сегодня чеченцы разделены глобально, и мирное разрешение проблемы объединения, мягко говоря, весьма прозаичны. К сожалению, мы не находим всё ещё аналогичной поддержки политических лидеров в европейских странах и в Северной Америке и нет явных признаков того, что это произойдёт в ближайшей перспективе. Но мы люди терпеливые, мы ждали 300 лет, подождём ещё.

Силы, требующие преемственности с Чеченской Республикой Ичкерия, сегодня выглядят разрозненными, а иногда даже конфликтующими друг с другом, делегитимизирующими друг друга. В чем причина этой фрагментации?

Это очень деликатный вопрос. Я не сторонник публичной поимённой порки своих земляков, какими бы негодяями они ни были. К сожалению, ничего не меняется и видимо они не извлекли уроков из прошлых ошибок. Как-то многоуважаемый Витаутас Ландсбергис, наблюдая разрозненность чеченцев, сказал: Дорогие мои чеченцы, ну покажите хоть один раз, что вы единая сплочённая нация!                                                                                             

Причина фрагментации этих группировок (я их иначе не могу назвать) в больных амбициях одних, и чрезвычайно высокого самомнения других. Мы уже проходили этот путь фрагментации в 1997 году, накануне выборов Президента ЧРИ и после, когда люди, которые должны были объединить народ, стали бедствием для этого народа. После окончания первой войны был принят Закон о Люстрации. Но этот закон не был применён в отношении национальных предателей и людей, активно сотрудничавших с агрессором. В итоге всё вернулось в анархию. Сегодня наблюдается та же тенденция. Главными «активистами освободительного движения» позиционируют себя дезертиры, люди сотрудничавшие с оккупационным режимом и просто авантюристы, а также те, кто предал Президента Аслана Масхадова соблазнившись конспиративными идеями контроля нефтепроводов и объединения Чечни и Дагестана.   

Как чеченское население на родине и диаспора в Европе воспринимают сутяжничество различных организаций, защищающих независимость Чечни? И каким доверием пользуются эти организации среди гражданского населения?

Воспринимают очень негативно. Самое интересное в том, что все эти группировки несут в себе интересы собственно только самой группировки, которые декларируются ими произвольно якобы от имени народа Ичкерии. Как мы видим из публикаций и при личном общении, есть противоречивые декларации. Кто-то возобновил идеи Халифата с установлением немедленно законов Шариата в Ичкерии. Кто-то собирается идти воевать непосредственно в Чеченской Республике и таким образом «освободить» Ичкерию от оккупантов, со всеми вытекающими отсюда кровавыми последствиями. Это не более чем иллюзия. Есть так же призывы к Правительству Украины признать независимость Дагестана. Нам нет дела до Дагестана, и мы не имеем права говорить от имени народов Дагестана, где проживают 52 этнические группы, и нет ни одной доминирующей. За всю нашу историю мы не имели ни одной благотворной идеи от Дагестана, одни конфликты, распри, войны, разруху и предательство. Более того, международное сообщество, в первую очередь Европейский союз и страны Северной Америки видят Россию в перспективе единой в пределах своих нынешних границ, стабильной и предсказуемой страной. И наши призывы к признанию независимости российских автономий могут принять за попытки раскола самой России и таким образом мы льём воду на мельницу российской пропаганды. Да, мы за свободу всех народов, но нам в первую очередь нужно не забывать свои национальные интересы. Поскольку наша независимость в принципе зависит и от внешнего мира необходимо говорить на языке, который приемлем и который понятен миру, оставив словоблудие и неприемлемую риторику салонным авантюристам.

Считаете ли вы целесообразным, чтобы различные институциональные группы, определяющие себя как «законные», объединились в единую реальность и отложили в сторону свои разногласия, вместо того чтобы действовать независимо? Или ты считаешь, что среди них есть тот, кто достоин возглавить остальных?

Я глубоко убеждён в том, что Ичкерия должна получить независимость без кровопролития, военных столкновений и разрушительной войны. Мы всё это уже проходили. Мне совершенно понятно одно, что без согласия на то России Ичкерия не получит независимость в той классической цивилизованной форме, как это происходило ранее с колониальными территориями. Я совершенно уверен и в том, что ни одна страна в мире не объявит ни одной санкции  России из-за насилия и колонизации Ичкерии. Мы всё это видели в течение двух кровавых войн.  И в этих вопросах нам необходима политическая поддержка Украины и её партнёров.  Совершенно очевидно, что в вопросах сотрудничества с Ичкерией, если этот процесс будет иметь продолжение,  для Украины необходима сила, которая может быть представлена от имени народа Ичкерии. И если все эти группировки действительно желают свободы своей стране, необходимо оставить в покое свои амбиции и сформировать рабочую группу для продвижения этой работы.

На данный момент многие молодые чеченцы воюют на стороне украинской армии, в основном на Херсонском фронте. Понятно, что их битва ведется не только за защиту Украины, но и за восстановление независимости Чечни. Если бы вы могли поговорить с каждым из них, что бы вы им сказали?

Я с нескрываемой завистью, в хорошем смысле этого слова, наблюдаю за нашими парнями, участвующим на этой войне. Было бы не этично учить их чему-то, поскольку своим примером они дают пример и надежду всем чеченцам. Для меня в принципе неважно, чем они руководствуются. Но каждому в отдельности я подал бы свою руку и обнял, как это делают чеченские мужчины. Мы, чеченцы, немногословны и не делаем комплименты друг другу, но я чрезвычайно горд, что принадлежу к народу, который они представляют. Они ещё раз в полной мере показали всему миру своё благородство и  потенциал мужества в борьбе с общим врагом. В своих молитвах я прошу Всевышнего даровать им здоровья, бодрости духа и долгих лет жизни на своей свободной Родине.

Как политическая раздробленность ЧРИ сказывается на тех самых бойцах, сражающихся на фронте под знамёнами Ичкерии?

На данном этапе эти парни заняты своим благородным делом и в силу объективных причин они не уделяют этому вопросу много внимания. Я знаю, что были неудачные попытки некоторых группировок подчинить эти батальоны себе, заманив «под знамёна Ичкерии». Но проблема последних в том, что эти парни с 2014, так или иначе, под знамёнами Ичкерии, они и позиционируют себя как Ичкерийцы. При этом они интегрированы в структуры Вооруженных Сил Украины, принимают и реализуют задачи, поставленные перед ними командованием. Поэтому, я сомневаюсь в том, что на них можно оказать какое-то влияние, выходящее за рамки их функциональных обязанностей на данном этапе.

Zakatev scrive ai Radicali Italiani: sarete benvenuti come fratelli nella Cecenia libera!

A seguito del riconoscimento della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria da parte del Parlamento ucraino, il Primo Ministro Akhmed Zakayev si è rivolto ai Radicali Italiani per ringraziarli del loro sostegno. Nel Giugno scorso i Radicali avevano organizzato una visita a Roma per il Primo Ministro ceceno, durante la quale era stato ricevuto in via ufficiale dal Sottosegretario di Stato agli Esteri Benedetto della Vedova.

Ai nostri amici italiani di Radicali Italiani

A Silvja Manzi e Igor Boni

A Benedetto della Vedova e Riccardo Magi

18 ottobre 2022

Oggi il Parlamento ucraino ha riconosciuto la Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria. Si tratta di un gesto molto più che formale: il popolo ucraino ha riconosciuto nella nostra battaglia la sua stessa battaglia, nelle nostre sofferenze le sue stesse sofferenze, nel nostro destino il suo stesso destino. Non potrà mai esserci libertà per nessuno, finché un solo popolo, e addirittura un solo uomo, dovrà subire la schiavitù.

Oggi gli Ucraini combattono per la loro indipendenza, così come i ceceni fanno ormai da ventidue lunghi anni. L’Europa, che prima non aveva capito l’importanza della nostra battaglia, oggi comincia a riconoscere che la guerra che oggi si combatte sulle sponde del Dnepr e nel Donbass è iniziato molti anni prima, quando la Russia ha preteso di piegare il nostro spirito spezzando i corpi dei nostri fratelli, dei nostri bambini, con i cingoli dei suoi carri armati.

In questo giorno così importante per la nostra nazione, che segna il primo, concreto passo verso la riconquista della nostra libertà dall’oppressione, rivolgo a voi, che in tutto questo avete creduto fin dall’inizio, il mio sentito ringraziamento per il sostegno che avete dato, e che continuate dare, alla nostra lotta. Spero che la purezza dei vostri ideali possa illuminare le coscienze di tutti gli uomini liberi.

Sarete benvenuti come fratelli nella Cecenia libera.

Akhmed Zakaev,

Primo Ministro della Repubblica Cecena di Ichkeria

ENGLISH VERSION

Following the recognition of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria by the Ukrainian Parliament, Prime Minister Akhmed Zakayev addressed the Italian Radicals to thank them for their support. Last June the Radicals had organized a visit to Rome for the Chechen Prime Minister, during which he was officially received by the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs Benedetto della Vedova.

To our Italian friends of Radicali Italiani

To Silvja Manzi and Igor Boni

To Benedetto della Vedova and Riccardo Magi

October 18, 2022

Today the Ukrainian Parliament recognized the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. It is a much more than formal gesture: the Ukrainian people recognized their own battle in our battle, their own sufferings in our sufferings, their own destiny in our destiny. There can never be freedom for anyone, as long as a single people, and even a single man, has to suffer slavery.

Today the Ukrainians are fighting for their independence, just as the Chechens have been fighting for twenty-two long years now. Europe, which previously did not understand the importance of our battle, is now beginning to recognize that the war being fought today on the banks of the Dnieper and in the Donbass began many years earlier, when Russia tried to bend our spirit. breaking the bodies of our brothers, of our children, with the tracks of his tanks.

On this very important day for our nation, which marks the first concrete step towards regaining our freedom from oppression, I extend to you, who have believed in all this from the beginning, my heartfelt thanks for the support that you have given, and continue to dare, to our struggle. I hope that the purity of your ideals can enlighten the consciences of all free men.

You will be welcome as brothers in free Chechnya.

Akhmed Zakaev,

Prime Minister of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria